U.N. says Rwandan troops carried out mass killings in '90s

The release of the report is a political blow to Rwandan President Paul Kagame. (Margaret Cappa)

By Colum Lynch


Washington Post Staff Writer

Sunday, August 29, 2010



An exhaustive U.N. investigation into the history of violence in Congo has concluded that the Rwandan military and its allies carried out hundreds of large-scale killings of ethnic Hutu refugees during the 1990s that amounted to war crimes, crimes against humanity and possibly genocide, according to a confidential copy of the report.
The report - which is 545 pages and details crimes committed in Congo from March 1993 to June 2003 - represents the harshest United Nations account to date of the conduct of the ethnic Tutsi-dominated Rwandan government, which has largely been credited with liberating the country from the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Its release represents a political blow to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who was reelected this month in a landslide victory that was marred by allegations of political repression against political opponents. His government denounced the U.N. findings as "immoral and unacceptable," and Rwanda has sought to block the report's release, according to U.N. sources.
The inquiry, which was conducted by a team from the U.N.'s Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, alleges that Rwanda and its military allies carried out systematic waves of well-planned, highly organized reprisal killings against Hutu refugees in the years after they fled across the border into eastern Zaire, now known as Congo, along with remnants of the former Rwandan military. It also notes that Rwanda's ethnic Tutsi allies in eastern Congo were the target of mass killings and persecution.
The report documents more than 600 incidents of large-scale killings in Congo, which it claims constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. It notes that the "systematic and widespread attacks described in this report reveal a number of damning elements that, if proven, could be classified as crimes of genocide."
"The period covered by this report is probably one of the most tragic in the recent history" of Congo, the report stated. "Indeed, this decade was marked by a string of major political crises, wars and multiple ethnic and regional conflicts that brought about the deaths of thousands, if not millions of people."

The Rwandan government issued a statement Thursday challenging the findings, asserting that the U.N. investigators employed a "questionable methodology, sourcing and shockingly low standard of proof" in reaching their conclusions.

"The report is a dangerous and irresponsible document that under the guise of human rights can only achieve instability in the Great Lakes [of Africa] region and undermine ongoing efforts to stabilize the region," the Rwandan statement said. The Great Lakes region encompasses Burundi, Congo, Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda.

Rwanda's foreign minister, Louise Mushikiwabo, warned U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in a recent letter that her government would withdraw from U.N. peacekeeping missions, including the U.N.-African Union mission in Darfur.

The U.N. findings were reported Wednesday by the French daily Le Monde and in the New York Times on Saturday.

Rwanda's former Hutu-dominated government, backed by ethnic Hutu militias, killed more than 800,000 Rwandans, primarily ethnic Tutsis, during the 1994 genocide. A Rwandan rebel movement, headed by Kagame, seized control of Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Many of those responsible for the mass killings, along with hundreds of thousands of Hutu civilians, fled across the border into eastern Zaire, where they continued to mount raids against the new Rwandan government.
Kagame is credited with having transformed Rwanda into a dynamic economic upstart and with providing women with unprecedented rights to pursue entrepreneurial and political endeavors. But his government has been dogged by allegations, stemming from the years following the genocide, that his own forces engaged in massive human rights abuses, though on a far smaller scale than the government it ousted.

Kagame maintains that his country's army has engaged in military operations in eastern Congo targeted solely at combatants responsible for perpetrating genocide in Rwanda and for subsequently mounting attacks against the country from bases inside Congo. The report acknowledges that Kagame's government continued to face armed attacks from Rwandan rebels in Congo, and that it welcomed back a massive number of Hutu refugees to Rwanda - a gesture, the report noted, that may complicate efforts to prosecute government officials for engaging in genocide.




But the report includes evidence that Rwanda and its allies may have targeted and killed tens of thousands of civilians, including women, children and the elderly. The report focuses on the activities of a nascent rebel movement - the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (known by its French initials AFDL) - that was set up in October 1996 and headed by Laurent Desire Kabila. The group received arms, training and logistical support from Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda. While the group's stated goal was the overthrow of Zairean President Mobutu Sese Seko, its activities were "characterized by the relentless pursuit of Hutu refugees" and Rwandan rebels, the report said.



The report cites numerous accounts of Rwandan army forces and members of the AFDL mounting attacks on scores of Rwandan refugee camps, often luring their victims by promising to repatriate them safely to their homes. On Oct. 20, Rwandan and Burundian army troops, backed by the AFDL, "carried out widespread and systematic attacks on eleven camps. They killed about 370 refugees the following day at the Luberizi refugee camp, dumping the victims into the latrines. Later that month, the troops killed around 220 male refugees outside a nearby Pentecostal church.
"The soldiers separated the men from the rest of the group and . . . killed them with bayonets. The bodies of the victims were buried in mass graves near the church," the report said.
The U.N. first decided to set up a team to investigate human rights violations in eastern Congo in 1997, but the plan never materialized, according to the report. The U.N. revisited the issue in 2005, after U.N. peacekeepers uncovered three mass graves in North Kivu, a province in eastern Congo. In response, the U.N. decided to establish a "mapping exercise of the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law" in eastern Congo between July 1993 and June 2003, and advise Congo on how to ensure some form of justice for the crimes. U.N. investigators began their work in July 2008 with the goal of amassing a large sample of cases that could expose the extent and nature of violence that occurred in Congo. The authors - who reviewed more than 1,500 documents and interviewed 1,280 witnesses - cautioned that they were not trying to establish "individual criminal responsibility, but to expose the seriousness of the violations committed."




Navanethem Pillay, U.N. high commissioner for human rights, would maintain a confidential database of alleged war criminals that could be used in the event that a court is set up to prosecute them, the report said.

The release of the report is a political blow to Rwandan President Paul Kagame. (Margaret Cappa)

Rwanda: UN Report on Genocide Against Hutu Gives Hope for Genuine Reconciliation

By Nkunda Rwanda
The Cry For Freedom
August 28, 2010


Most of us have a past life we never wish to remember. For some, it could be an incident of embarrassment or a scene from the teenage years when we struggled to fit in. But to many genocide survivors, these would-rather-be-forgotten incidences are truly horrific, as they include images of mass murder and rapes mixed with the desperate, all too human, struggle to survive. Overcome by a thirst for healing, amnesia is often the only option for the victims trying to lay haunting pasts to rest.

Towards the end of 1996, the Rwandan Patriotic Army having gained credit for putting an end to the Rwandan Genocide invaded the Congo (then known as Zaire). It would soon become apparent though that the new Rwandan army was on a killing spree, targeting mostly Hutu civilians.

When under scrutiny, the new Rwandan government (GOR) defended its mission always citing the difficult nature of the operation. They (GOR) said it had been difficult to distinguish civilians from the EX-FAR and Interahamwe. Indeed, this school of thought prevailed for the last decade and outside of academic circles, remained unchallenged. However, one striking question remained unanswered: “why were Hutu-Congolese murdered?” to this day, the government of Rwanda has been unable to provide a convincing response.

The first serious inquiry was blocked by the war lord turned into president, Laurent Kabila. However, after he fell out with Rwanda, he would later remark “I never understood how people (Tutsi soldiers) having suffered Genocide would kill like this”.

That Congolese-Hutu were targeted is not the only evidence for Genocide. Excerpts from the “leaked report” reveal how children and women were deliberately targeted. Accused of no other crime but for being Hutu. Consider this chilling report by US journalist French Howard writing for the New York Times in September 1997:

In Loukolela, the Hutu survivors who have gathered across the Congo River from the former Zaire, 200 miles northeast of Kinshasa, say they know little about the conflict that pits the United Nations against Mr. Kabila's Government.

What they do have, however, are consistent accounts of the murderous attacks that they suffered in the Mbandaka area, as well as at several other stops during their westward trek of more than 1,000 miles across the country.

Mrs. Mporayonzi remembers wandering the woods after the attack had subsided, and said she was taken in by a Zairian family to whom she owes her survival. They told her that she looked enough like the local people to pass undetected, gave her a white bandanna to wear, in the fashion townspeople had adopted as a sign of support for Mr. Kabila, and urged her not to talk to people.

The next day, while she stood in front of the house where she had taken refuge, Mrs. Mporayonzi said a truckload of solders drove by and then stopped. She had feared they were looking for her, but instead they grabbed a Hutu boy on the street.

She said they yelled, ''Here is another son of Habyarimana,'' referring Juvenal Habyarimana, the Hutu former President of Rwanda. ''Right there in the road the soldiers swung the boy by his feet and beat his head against a tree trunk until he was dead.''

Mrs. Mporayonzi said she turned away in horror but had to bite her hand to keep from screaming for fear of giving herself away.

And from the “The Guardian”:

A soldier brought an eight-month-old (Hutu) baby so we could bury him," said a Red Cross worker. But we said, "We can't bury someone living". He took a stick and he hit the child on the head until he was dead.
Important to note is that some of the killing happened as far as Mbandaka which is approximately 758 miles from the eastern border of Congo where the refugees initially camped. The exhausted and hungry refugees having walked all these many miles were finally captured by the Rwandan forces and slaughtered, their bodies dumped into river Congo. This was witnessed and reported by international humanitarian organizations as well as Congolese communal groups.

While killings close to the Rwandan border could perhaps be justified, it is especially difficult to understand why the Rwanda forces would kill civilians on the opposite end of the country (Zaire). Also, by this time, Kabila forces had triumphed marking an end to the civil war. The killings do point to a deliberate and cruel attempt at extermination.

Also, in some noted cases, Congolese civilians were forced to participate in the massacres and were rewarded with cash.

However in certain instances, only males were targeted, while women would be allowed to repatriate to Rwanda. Here is an account from Professor Boyer:

They [Tutsi soldiers] separated the little boys from the girls...And they started killing the boys. First they shot them, and then they cut them in half. So that...if they came back to life they wouldn't be able to escape.

Of course this is just but the beginning of another difficult battle. Although the “leaked report” is a major victory for us as survivors, the struggle is far from over. There needs to be a mechanism to prevent “retributive genocide” from taking place. Counter-Genocide needs to be acknowledged (just like Genocide denial) as another step of Genocide. This will help not only Rwanda but many conflict ridden nations around the world.

Equally important is that the report can be instrumental in fostering genuine reconciliation in Rwanda. One of the key challenges of present Rwanda is that western analysts are stuck in the “bad guys vs. good guys” mentality. They forget that the majority of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa are good people trying to overcome extremely difficult realities. The notion becomes a stumbling block as the present regime is given a green light (Genocide credit) to repress its Hutu citizens who are considered Genocide perpetrators. This has provided huge political capital for former rebel Paul Kagame—and the recent elections is just but another confirmation.

My genuine hope is that Rwandans will find this report as an opportunity for reflection that in would be transformed into action. The government reaction towards the report though predictable is very unfortunate. Simply attacking the researchers and methodology used will not do away these crimes. Threatening to pull out peace-keepers if the report is released will only prove your guilt.It would be more beneficial to respond to the specific allegations--and tell your side of the story.

For once, as Rwandans, let's not squander another opportunity for national healing.

Bombshell UN report leaked: 'Crimes of genocide' against Hutus in Congo

The striking conclusion of a new draft UN report is that violence perpetrated by Rwandan President Paul Kagame's and Congolese President Laurent Kabila's forces against Hutus could constitute 'crimes of genocide.'

By Jason Stearns, Guest blogger / August 26, 2010

Over a year after its completion, the UN mapping report has finally been leaked to the press. The report was mandated by the UN to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Congo between 1993 and 2003 in the hope that there could be accountability for the violence. To date, almost nothing has been done to bring those responsible to justice.


.The report is huge, spanning 545 pages, and deals with war crimes committed by the security forces of Angola, Mobutu's Zaire, Uganda, Chad, Laurent Kabila's government, Joseph Kabila's government, Zimbabwe, the ex-FAR and Interahamwe (and later the FDLR), the Mai-Mai and the many other rebel groups. I will speak at length about the massacres carried out by these forces in later postings. Here, I will speak about the most controversial claim: the massacres carried out by the Rwandan army (RPA) together with the AFDL rebellion (led by Laurent Kabila) against the Hutu refugees in 1996-1997.

The striking conclusion is that the crimes committed by the RPA/AFDL against Hutu refugee and Congolese Hutu could constitute a crime of genocide. This will be a bombshell for Paul Kagame's government, which prides itself of having brought an end to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and have built their reputation and their appeal to donors on their promotion of post-genocide reconciliation. This report will rock the internet for months and years to come, its political improtance is hard to overstate.

A few words of caution. The report was not based on the same high standards of a judicial investigation, it was intended to provide a broad mapping of he most serious human rights abuses between 1993 and 2003.

Indeed, the report says that an international court will have to be the final arbiter whether the RPA/AFDL did commit acts of genocide. Verbatim: "The systematic and widespread attacks described in this report, which targeted very large numbers of Rwandan Hutu refugees and members of the Hutu civilian population, resulting in their death, reveal a number of damning elements that, if they were proven before a competent court, could be classified as crimes of genocide."

Nonetheless, it was their mandate to documents crimes of genocide, and they were rigorous: In total, the team gathered evidence on 600 incidents of violence (not just on the genocide allegations). Their standard was two independent sources for each incident. They interviewed 1,280 witnesses and gathered 1,500 documents. Many of the reports of killings of Congolese and Rwandan Hutu civilians were corroborated by eyewitnesses. While we always knew that there had been large massacres of Hutu refugees in the Congo, this is the first rigorous investigation, and the first time an international body has thrown its weight behind charges of genocide.

Another word of caution: This is the preliminary draft. The report is due to be released on Monday, but it has been leaked, I gather because the Secretary General Ban Ki Moon has pressed for the charges of "acts of genocide by the RPA/AFDL" to be removed. The Rwandan government has reportedly threatened to withdraw its troops from the AU mission in Darfur and I have even heard that they will withdraw from the UN all together, becoming "associate" or "observer" states. I imagine that it is to prevent such editing that the report was finally leaked.
On to the conclusion of the report:Paragraph 512. The systematic attacks [...] resulted in a very large number of victims, probably tens of thousands of members of the Hutu ethnic group, all nationalities combined. In the vast majority of cases reported, it was not a question of people killed unintentionally in the course of combat, but people targeted primarily by AFDL/APR/FAB [Burundian army] forces and executed in their hundreds, often with edged weapons. The majority of the victims were children, women, elderly people and the sick, who posed no threat to the attacking forces. Numerous serious attacks on the physical or pyschological integrity of members of the group were also committed, with a very high number of Hutus shot, raped, burnt or beaten. Very large numbers of victims were forced to flee and travel long distances to escape their pursuers, who were trying to kill them. The hunt lasted for months, resulting in the deaths of an unknown number of people subjected to cruel, inhuman and degrading living conditions, without access to food or medication. On several occasions, the humanitarian aid intended for them was deliberately blocked, in particular in Orientale Province, depriving them of assistance essential to their survival.

Paragraph 513. At the time of the incidents covered by this report, the Hutu population in Zaire, including refugees from Rwanda, constituted an ethnic group as defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Moreover, as shown previously, the intention to destroy a group in part is sufficient to be classified as a crime of genocide. Finally, the courts have also confirmed that the destruction of a group can be limited to a particular geographical area. It is therefore possible to assert that, even if only a part of the Hutu population in Zaire was targeted and destroyed, it could nonetheless constitute a crime of genocide, if this was the intention of the perpetrators. Finally, several incidents listed also seem to confirm that the numerous attacks were targeted at members of the Hutu ethnic group as such. Although, at certain times, the aggressors said they were looking for the criminals responsible for the genocide committed against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the majority of the incidents reported indicate that the Hutus were targeted as such, with no discrimination between them. The numerous attacks against the Hutus in Zaire, who were not part of the refugees, seem to confirm that it was all Hutus, as such, who were targeted. The crimes committed in particular in Rutshuru (30 October 1996) and Mugogo (18 November 1996), in North Kivu, highlight the specific targeting of the Hutus, since people who were able to persuade the aggressors that they belonged to another ethnic group were released just before the massacres. The systematic use of barriers by the AFDL/APR/FAB, particularly in South Kivu, enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them. Hundreds of people of Hutu origin are thus thought to have been arrested at a barrier erected in November 1996 in Ngwenda, in the Rutshuru territory, and subsequently executed by being beaten with sticks in a place called Kabaraza. In South Kivu, AFDL/APR/FAB soldiers erected numerous barriers on the Ruzizi plain to stop Rwandan and Burundian refugees who had been dispersed after their camps had been dismantled.514. Several incidents listed in this report point to circumstances and facts from which a court could infer the intention to destroy the Hutu ethnic group in the DRC in part, if these were established beyond all reasonable doubt. Firstly, the scale of the crimes and the large number of victims are illustrated by the numerous incidents described above. The extensive use of edged weapons (primarily hammers) and the systematic massacre of survivors, including women and children, after the camps had been taken show that the numerous deaths cannot be attributed to the hazards of war or seen as equating to collateral damage. The systematic nature of the attacks listed against the Hutus also emerges: these attacks took place in each location where refugees had been identified by the AFDL/APR, over a vast area of the country. Particularly in North Kivu and South Kivu but also in other provinces, the massacres often began with a trick by elements of the AFDL/APR, who summoned the victims to meetings on the pretext either of discussing their repatriation to Rwanda in the case of the refugees, or of introducing them to the new authorities in the case of Hutus settled in the region, or of distributing food. Afterwards, those present were systematically killed. Cases of this kind were confirmed in the province of North Kivu in Musekera, Rutshuru and Kiringa (October 1996), Mugogo and Kabaraza (November 1996), Hombo, Katoyi, Kausa, Kifuruka, Kinigi, Musenge, Mutiko and Nyakariba (December 1996), Kibumba and Kabizo (April 1997) and Mushangwe (around August 1997); in the province of South Kivu in Rushima and Luberizi (October 1996), Cotonco and Chimanga (November 1996) and Mpwe (February 1997) and on the Shabunda-Kigulube road (February-April 1997); in Orientale Province in Kisangani and Bengamisa (May and June 1997); in Maniema in Kalima (March 1997) and in Équateur in Boende (April 1997). Such acts certainly suggest premeditation and a precise methodology. In the region south of the town of Walikale, in North Kivu (January 1997), Rwandan Hutus were subjected to daily killings in areas already under the control of the AFDL/APR as part of a campaign that seemed to target any Hutus living in the area in question.
515. Several of the massacres listed were committed regardless of the age or gender of the victims. This is particularly true of the crimes committed in Kibumba (October 1996), Mugunga and Osso (November 1996), Hombo and Biriko (December 1996) in the province of North Kivu, Kashusha and Shanje (November 1996) in the province of South Kivu, Tingi-Tingi and Lubutu (March 1997) in Maniema Province, and Boende (April 1997) in Équateur Province, where the vast majority of victims were women and children. Furthermore, no effort was made to make a distinction between Hutus who were members of the ex-FAR/Interahamwe and Hutu civilians, whether or not they were refugees. This tendency to put all Hutus together and “tar them with the same brush” is also illustrated by the declarations made during the “awareness-raising speeches” made by the AFDL/APR in certain places, according to which any Hutu still present in Zaire must necessarily be a perpetrator of genocide, since the “real” refugees had already returned to Rwanda. These “awareness-raising speeches” made in North Kivu also incited the population to look for, kill or help to kill Rwandan Hutu refugees, whom they called “pigs”. This type of language would have been in widespread use during the operations in this region.
516. The massacres in Mbandaka and Wendji, committed on 13 May 1997 in Équateur Province, over 2,000 kilometres west of Rwanda, were the final stage in the hunt for Hutu refugees that had begun in eastern Zaire, in North and South Kivu, in October 1996. Among the refugees were elements of the ex-FAR/Interahamwe, who were disarmed by the local police force as soon as they arrived. In spite of everything, the AFDL/APR opened fire on hundreds of defenceless Hutu refugees, resulting in large numbers of victims.517. The systematic and widespread attacks described in this report, which targeted very large numbers of Rwandan Hutu refugees and members of the Hutu civilian population, resulting in their death, reveal a number of damning elements that, if they were proven before a competent court, could be classified as crimes of genocide. The behaviour of certain elements of the AFDL/APR in respect of the Hutu refugees and Hutu populations settled in Zaire at this time seems to equate to “a manifest pattern of similar conduct directed against that group”, from which a court could even deduce the existence of a genocidal plan. “Whilst the existence of such a plan may contribute to establishing the required genocidal intention, it is nonetheless only an element of proof used to deduce such an intention and not a legal element of genocide.” It should be noted that certain elements could cause a court to hesitate to decide on the existence of a genocidal plan, such as the fact that as of 15 November 1996, several tens of thousands of Rwandan Hutu refugees, many of whom had survived previous attacks, were repatriated to Rwanda with the help of the AFDL/APR authorities and that hundreds of thousands of Rwandan Hutu refugees were able to return to Rwanda with the consent of the Rwandan authorities prior to the start of the first war. Whilst, in general, the killings did not spare women and children, it should be noted that in some places, at the beginning of the first war, Hutu women and children were in fact separated from the men, and only the men were subsequently killed.

518. Nonetheless, neither the fact that only men were targeted during the massacres, nor the fact that part of the group were allowed to leave the country or that there movement was facilitated for various reasons, are sufficient in themselves to entirely remove the intention of certain people to partially destroy an ethnic group as such. In this respect it seems possible to infer a specific intention on the part of certain AFDL/APR commanders to partially destroy the Hutus in the DRC, and therefore to commit a crime of genocide, based on their conduct, words and the damning circumstances of the acts of violence committed by the men under their command. It will be for a court with proper jurisdiction to rule on this question.

Rwandan army accused of genocide

August 27 2010 at 12:16PM

Nairobi - A draft United Nations report says the Rwandan army and Congolese rebels killed thousands of Rwandan Hutus in a revenge campaign during the 1990s that could be classed as genocide.

The report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, leaked to the media, details how the Rwandan army and associated rebel groups systematically targeted Hutus in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 1993-2003.

Around one million Hutus fled to DR Congo after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, during which Hutu militia slaughtered 800 000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus.

The report said that checkpoints were set up to identify Hutus and eliminate them in DR Congo, which was formerly known as Zaire. Among the victims were women, children and the elderly.

Recently re-elected Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who led the rebel group that ended the genocide and seized power, is likely to be angered by the claims.

The genocide is still a sensitive subject in Rwanda. Opponents of Kagame have been arrested on charges of genocide denial for suggesting Tutsi forces carried out massacres in the aftermath of the slaughter.

French daily Le Monde said Kagame, who this month won a landslide re-election, is threatening to withdraw Rwandan forces from peacekeeping missions should the report be published in its current form. - Sapa-dpa

Rwanda: Kagame's seven more years, another term of Political Armageddon

By Karekezi Eduard
Kigali, Rwanda
August 24, 2010

According to what I saw on August 9th 2010, it looks as the only free and fair elections in Rwanda are those which have not yet been conducted or imagined. The recent election in my country, Rwanda of which I experienced personally, left all and sundry astounded. This election left every one asking a single question related to the role of elections monitors/observers. When they came here in Rwanda, they were chauffeur-driven to expensive hotels, their role was to eat and drink eye closed, and then off to the airport chauffeur-driven to their capitals. That was the end of their businesses. In real terms it was electoral fallacy. I always wonder if these observers are given basic training in matters pertaining to their crucial missions and moral responsibilities. One of them was Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, former Secretary General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), who headed the Commonwealth Observer Group (COG), a body that was constituted by the Commonwealth Secretary-General at the invitation of our unrepentant National Electoral Commission (NEC). The COG had a mandate to observe the preparation for the elections, the polling, the counting and the overall electoral environment. If I remember well this man he might be the one who left nought on OAU score card. The next was former President of Burundi H.E. Sylvestre Ntibantunganya. After witnessing the Burundi electoral saga on 28 June 2010, he came to observe elections here in Rwanda!!!! Any way, from a political angle, we are going where Burundians are coming from. When elections ended, to my uttermost surprise, however, when asked (Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim) by a New Times (Government supported Newspaper) journalist about his own assessment of the process, he replied “We are extremely impressed by the determination of Rwandans to exercise their democratic rights”. This was patently an insult to the people of Rwanda. But here are intriguing and thoughts provoking questions: why resources are spent where elections’ outcomes are already known? Why do we like these symbolic electoral gymnastics? Imagine millions and billions of dollars, and pounds spent on this electoral charade. Why can’t we use these resources and strengthen the most RPF infiltrated institutions such as our ever weak and political enduring civil society, parliament, the judicial system, etc?


1. Elections per se: Tools used by the National Electoral Commission

It is when this electoral comedy ended that I tried to collect different testimonies from different voters. Collecting these testimonies was a trouble-free exercise as my relatives head some villages. As it appeared, there is no difference to what happened during the 2003 presidential elections. When National Electoral Commission Facilitators were told that the former Premier Minister Faustin Twagiramungu was going to defeat General Paul Kagame a decision was taken to bring extra-ballot papers. Those who were there remember well how it took almost six months for ink to get off their fingers. Imagine submerging your finger in ink and fingerprint at least one thousand ballot papers. This was done despite the fact that in many villages, village heads had already taken all voting cards on eve of the elections day and the next day (of voting) what they did was to collect their cards marked “YATOYE” meaning “HE HAS VOTED”. This emphatically corroborated with what FDU-INKINGI committee made public soon after this treacherous exercise of August 9th 2010, stressing that “in many areas of the north and west of Rwanda such as Busasamana, Cyanzarwe, Bugeshi Kanzenze and Nyabihu, the population had their voting cards seized by local authority. They were ordered to show up and collect their cards at poll stations as early as 4 o’clock in the morning. At the polling station, their voting cards were returned to them with “VOTED” stamp mark already on”. This vividly is also supported by the League for Human Rights in the Great Lakes Region (LDGL) report which criticized the electoral process alleging that “in some parts of the country where their observers monitored, people did not exercise their rights to vote but rather others (local leaders) voted for them”. On all these allegations, the government has decided to remain silent.

In fact most parts of the country people were told to come as early as 4:00 AM. But this was not an act of generosity, rather to collect their already stamped voting cards. All in all elections started, and ended when observers were almost still asleep in their lavishly hotels. This was done under what is known as “performance contract”. Leaders whatever they do, under any circumstances, and through any mechanisms, proper or dubious they must achieve the ruling party’s goals. Thus as an assessment was to be done latter after elections, the top performer has to be trusted and the poor performers to be investigated. Fear scratching their brains, village heads collected all voting cards from their subjects and on elections day, instead of casting their votes, they went (people) to collect their stamped voting cards. In addition to that, in most rural areas there was no secrecy in voting. People were shown were to put their fingers, and nowhere else but on President Kagame’s picture. This daylight robbery and unchristian act was done all over the country but excessively in the Northern and the Western parts of the country. This human rights violation succeeded because all villages were equipped with at least a single polling station. Equipping each and every village with a polling station was a barbaric strategy crafted by the RPF through its arm-NEC- to ensure that villages where RPF is lowly supported are caught red-handed. But to observers, they wrongfully thought this was a good strategy which allows people to cast their votes on their door steps. Additionally, soft contenders willingly chosen by the ruling party, did not want to be represented at all polling stations, except those seen as being closer to the so-called ‘Foreign Observers’ led by Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim and the former President of Burundi H.E. Ntibantunganya. All these dirty tricks were used in most cases by village heads because voting against the ruling party is tantamount to political assassination. Hence village heads had to prevail and avoid such political calamity.

2. Analysis of peoples’ attitudes towards elections in Rwanda

The overall analysis of the impact these elections might have on the ordinary citizen is somehow catastrophic. This results from the fact that by virtue of being a bogus exercise, people don’t see or intuitively think the intention, motivation and the value added when elections are conducted under this disheartening environment. People regard this as a perfunctory exercise. But for how long people of Rwanda, still struggling to make ends meet will continue financing political parties’ campaigns? During all electoral processes we always sit on the fence because we are not given an opportunity to choose amongst different contenders. This normally leaves us in a political orphanage. Here are some few factors that characterized the electoral/political apathy I personally observed:

2.1. Peoples’ reaction after casting their votes

I observed that soon after casting their votes most people did not even wait the counting exercise. In fact, when a voter believes his or her voice counts; that his/her voice can drive the country in a different direction, in most cases she/he waits until the verdict is pronounced. I saw this during the constitutional referendum in Kenya when people were asked to choose Yes or No. Most people passed their unforgettable night on polling stations. Their intention was to guard jealously their decisions (their Votes). But we (Rwandese) knew our voices meant less, hence leaving a polling station was as good as leaving a graveyard after a burial ceremony. This was a major preoccupation of local journalists on different radio stations across the country during "live" vote counting exercise. All in all, this is due to the fact that the whole process was seen as a political gimmick that amounts to nothing but renewed dictatorship.

2. 2. Lack of voters’ names on voters roll despite NEC mobilization

This also shows how people were not interested by this electoral charade. Despite persistent calls by the commission, requesting people to go and check their names on voters roll, many people did not heed NEC’s call. This is because people know that the current regime does not value the most cherished; the most fundamental; and God-given right of choosing our Leaders. In addition, people do not believe in our NEC.

2. 3. People’s fear of not having cast their votes

A great number of people did not vote. This is because they were no where on the list. To my surprise when people were asked to comment on what may follow after missing the exercise (Journalists suggesting to even wait the next decade (2017)) most of them shed tears. They expressed fear saying they might be victimized if their voting cards were not stamped. They said if they were to be arrested they could find themselves in a compromising position as they do not have anything to show local authorities? From these testimonies it is beyond reasonable doubt that people voted against their will because there was no choice. Thus one votes because he/she wants her/his voting card to be stamped. And this was also done for the sake of satisfying the current force-backed regime. If you don’t know how this government operates, please use Google and read the article "The Paul Kagame I know" by Robert Krueger.

3. Congratulatory messages

Today the most heated debate among Rwandan intellectuals and ordinary people revolve around congratulatory messages. Leaders have refrained from sending these messages to the re-elected President. We strongly believe it is due to galvanized efforts by civic organizations, and other activists and peace lovers who continue to show the international community the unfolding politics of our leaders. Politics of politicking is unfolding here. Different leaders have been very cautious, vigilant, and careful due to political mayhem we went through as a country until elections date and thereafter. The first message came from his so-called challengers, those whose motivation and intention was to legitimize the process and be rewarded government posts. Hon. Ntawukuriryayo Jean-Damascene who represented PSD is touted to become the Rwanda Premier Minister in the next government. As I told you long ago, this formula is a calculated move, deliberately crafted by these political vultures so as to entrench political power within their circle. The name of the President of the Liberal party (PL), now the President of the Senate, Dr. Biruta Vincent, circulated in the corridors of power for a while, but was latter discarded because of his weaknesses as well as low political profile. The unexpected and bitter messages came from The Bush House and the Canadian Government. Both messages were not in fact ordinary messages, but a clear warning to Kigali that a new political dispensation is indeed needed. Other highly expected message came from the remaining worst authoritarian leader and his closest friend Kim Jong IL of North Korea. Undoubtedly, this situation has been an acid test for the re-elected President. Consequently, he has recognised the best side of the media and has started a long tirade against critics through the Financial Times. But I wonder!!!!! Why a media predator, be allowed a free ride in media industry?

Finally, dear leaders, we have to work together to weave the threads that will see us celebrating a nation which is not ethnically, regionally divided, a nation that is dedicated to pushing back the frontiers of poverty for all of us. A nation whereby the sun shines for everybody. Otherwise a nation whereby a single clique holds the total economy of the country may lead us to believe that a tsunami of whatever sort is nearby.

Allow me to congratulate you ALL (especially the Africa Faith and Justice Network, Friends of the Congo, Human Right Watch, and all of you) who played unparalleled role during this time of need!!!!!
However, Dear Brothers, Dear Sisters our Brothers and Sisters are still languishing in prisons under awful and unspeakable conditions!!!!! So please, your help is now, today, not tomorrow, the most needed. Most needed especially in this time of darkness. Let’s unite and throw away the yoke of dictatorship. The regime is too ruthless. The President and Founder of PS-Imberakuri and others are still languishing in prison for no reason; others are on security surveillance due to fabricated charges such as Victoire Ingabire of FDU-INKINGI!!!! So please make a pledge and save the entire humanity starting now. “Together we will prevail!!!!!!”
Thanks

Note:
Mr. Karekezi Eduard can be reached via Email at "karekezieduard@yahoo.com".

Push Kagame Harder, Activists Tell Obama

Contacts:
Kitty Kurth, Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation 312-617-7288
Friends of the Congo 202-584-6512
Africa Faith and Justice Network 202-884-9780
Email: rwandaelections@gmail.com

(http://afjn.org/focus-campaigns/other/other-crisis-areas/163-great-lakes-region/869-push-kagame-harder-activists-tell-obama.html)

WASHINGTON DC (Wednesday, August 25, 2010): A nation-wide coalition of US activists is calling on President Barack Obama to go beyond recent White House criticism and intensify pressure on the government of newly re-elected Rwandan President Paul Kagame.

On Friday, August 13, a White House spokesperson, the National Security Council’s Mike Hammer, expressed the Obama Administration’s unhappiness about events in Rwanda. Hammer focused his ire on the repressive circumstances and the less-than-credible results of Rwanda's presidential elections on August 9.

The NSC statement made clear the White House view that today’s Rwanda is not a democracy and then went further to dismiss the “development first, democracy later” argument often used to excuse Mr. Kagame’s iron-fisted rule. “Rwanda’s stability and growing prosperity, however, will be difficult to sustain in the absence of broad political debate and open political participation,” Hammer said.

While welcoming Friday’s NSC statement, the advocacy coalition is demanding much tougher action against the Kagame government. Several members specified the tougher policies they want to see in Obama's policy toward Rwanda.

Claude Gatebuke, a Rwandan genocide survivor and a leader in the coalition, linked American aid to improved democratization in Rwanda. He said the group wants President Obama to immediately terminate all military assistance and cooperation and also to freeze the $240 million that the US is scheduled to soon give Mr. Kagame.

"American aid to Rwanda must be nonmilitary. And that nonmilitary American taxpayer money should be unfrozen if, and only if, Mr. Kagame meets two conditions," Gatebuke said.

He outlined the first condition as "immediately widening Rwanda's democratic space which includes: completely freeing all political opponents, critics and the media; scrapping repressive laws; and engaging in good-faith discussions with all stakeholders about the way forward in Rwanda."

Rwanda’s behavior inside the Congo emerged as the coalition’s second condition. Kambale Musavuli, spokesperson for Friends of the Congo, outlined that condition, "In addition to allowing democracy inside Rwanda, General Kagame must be held accountable for his destabilization and looting of the Congo. President Obama must implement the bill he passed as Senator into law, PL 109-456 The Democratic Republic of Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act. That law clearly requires the US government to withhold aid to neighboring countries that destabilize the Congo."

Jacques Bahati of Africa Faith and Justice Network questions Washington’s cozy relations with President Kagame, "It is both mind-boggling and inexplicable how much The Congress and The Obama Administration have coddled the dictatorship in Kigali. Real American interests in Africa are hurt by this embarrassing relationship."

Experts in Washington say past actions by the coalition on behalf of the Rwandan people have seen results. They point to two taken earlier this year.

On April 30, group members organized demonstrations against President Kagame during his Oklahoma Christian University visit. Some reports claimed that the president was forced to use a side entrance.

And three weeks ago, on August 3, the activists organized a packed press briefing at the prestigious National Press Club, a mere stone’s throw from the White House. Unconvinced after hearing out Rwandan Ambassador James Kimonyo, the activists called on President Obama to denounce the August 9 Rwanda elections as sham.

The experts say that the NSC statement is therefore a shot in the arm for the Rwandan people and their struggle for democracy.

Observers also find it significant that both President Obama personally and the NSC statement have pointedly failed to congratulate Mr. Kagame on his electoral victory--something done routinely when Washington is pleased with an ally.

Still some coalition members remain skeptical. They question if the NSC criticism means President Obama is finally moving to add substance to his 2009 Ghana speech when he pledged to support strong institutions in Africa, not strongmen.

Maurice Carney, Executive Director of Friends of the Congo is among the unconvinced. He notes “There is no better litmus test for President Obama keeping his word than how he responds to the quintessential strongman of Central Africa, Paul Kagame. Will the president continue the carte blanche support for Paul Kagame despite his own 2009 rhetoric in Ghana? Or will Mr. Obama engineer a bold shift, from a half century of US support for strongmen, dictators and despots, to assisting and encouraging non-violent, pro-democratic forces and strong institutions?”

“Both Hutus and Tutsis should accept responsibility for the Rwandan genocide” Prof. Peter Erlinder

By Ndze Ntuv Evaristus Tunka, African News Journal
August 10, 2010
Professor Peter Erlinder is no stranger to the international community. He is a distinguished Criminal Defense professor at William Mitchell College of Law, and a lead Defense Council for the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda based in Tanzania. He was recently arrested by the Rwandan government on allegations of 'genocide denial' while defending Victoire Ingabire-a Hutu politician and current presidential candidate who is charged with 'propagating genocide ideology' as well. Prof. Erlinder sat down with The African News Journal's Ndze Ntuv Evaristus Tunka to talk about his ordeal in Rwanda.

ANJ: Thank you for talking with The African News Journal today. Most people might consider you a rogue lawyer, especially from your defense of such personalities as Mohammed Warsame, Sami Al-Arian, and now Victoire Ingabire....


Erlinder: First I do not consider myself a rogue lawyer. I stand for the legal process and for justice. I think it is very important that we allow justice to take its course in any legal issue.

ANJ: So what made you decide to defend Victoire Ingabire?

Erlinder: Well, Victoire Ingabire has argued that both Hutus and Tutsis were responsible for the genocide in Rwanda, and that it was unjust to blame only one side for the genocide. I share this idea, as my research and findings from UN documents, US government documents, and trial documents at the ICTR on what happened in Rwanda show that both the Hutus and the rebel led FDR were responsible for mass killings in Rwanda. I think that all those who were responsible, be they Hutus or Tutsis should face justice.

ANJ: When you were arrested on May 28th, what was going through your mind? What were you thinking?

Erlinder: Well this is something that in order to talk about, I might probably have to spend some time thinking about it, and I'll probably write about it at some point; but I wasn't expecting to be arrested. However once I was arrested, my main concern was not to disappear and my view is that; had I not taken the initiative to force my captives to allow me to talk to the US Embassy, I'm not sure anybody would have known what had happened to me.

ANJ: How were you treated in the Rwandan jail and what were the conditions like?
Erlinder: What I've said to everybody that I have talked to, is that the people in Rwanda treated me quite well. The individuals that were charged with taking care of me treated me well under the circumstances. The conditions in the detention facility I was in were quite difficult per standards; that is no toilets, no beds, no blankets, and no food but this was quite normal to Rwandans, although most Rwandans in jail had family members who would bring them food, and what they needed to survive, but because I didn't have that, and because the US Embassy was not so reliable, my situation was particularly difficult in that situation, but not because I was mistreated, but because I didn't have the support that other detainees had. They kept me in a separate cell and the guards would go out and buy me food on the street so that I could have something to eat and some water to drink and no one beat me or mistreated me. But I saw other people being treated not so well, which made it more difficult for me psychologically, because I was really at the mercy of young kids with AK-47s.

ANJ: There were rumors of reports by Rwandan Prison Officials, stating that you tried to overdose on your medications, while you were behind bars. What is your reaction to these rumors?

Erlinder: Well I don't have any comments on it in detail, but I do have medical problems that if I had been born and raised in Rwanda, I would have probably been dead by forty; but my problems are currently and I'm undergoing treatment, and as long as I get that treatment, then I'll be ok. But being kept indefinitely in detention facilities with that kind of wasn't really possible. That's kind of what the danger was.

ANJ: After your release, the Rwandan government put out an official statement, stating that you were released on medical grounds, and they didn't and have not dropped the charges against you...have you been formally charged by the Rwandan government?

Erlinder: The actual fact is that in the Rwandan system, it's not necessary to be charged to be a suspect. Although I haven't been formally charged, I'm still a formal suspect and the investigation I understand is continuing.

ANJ: Some Rwandans especially the Tutsis, who saw a huge population of their tribesmen murdered during the Rwandan genocide look at you, and might wonder why you are defending opposition leader Victoire Ingabire, who the Kagame regime has charged with alleged genocide denial and promoting genocide ideology. What would you say to them?

Erlinder: The best evidence produced by the Rwandan government/UN prosecutor during 7-years of trial resulted in the Tribunal finding that there was no conspiracy to commit genocide or ethnic killings at the level of the military or government leadership. The Rwandan government is in a difficult position because the majority of the population has a different ethnic and historical background because the leaders in Rwanda now are English speaking Rwandans who actually were raised and even born in Uganda. So that among people who had lived in Rwanda during the time they spoke French rather than English as a European language, the situation is difficult politically. I'm interested in seeing a peaceful democratic development in Rwanda, and I hope that, that happens.

ANJ: With regards to a democratic Rwanda, President Kagame has insisted that since his rise to power, Rwandans have been given the opportunity to participate democratically in the country's politics; that he has encouraged decentralization has ensured a fair representation of women in government; and has secured economic growth for Rwanda. What is your assessment of this assertion?

Erlinder: I think my arrest is a pretty good indication about the range of discussion and debate that is possible in Rwanda. And I do think that the Rwandan government has many accomplishments. Kigali is a beautiful city and far away more developed than it was in 2004, which is the last time I was there. But on the question of opposition parties, there are none that are meaningful, and any significant disagreement with the current government is dangerous and under those circumstances, I think that the Rwandan people are going to have some difficulty in having a meaningful debate. What got Victoire Ingabire arrested was that on the day that she arrived in Rwanda, she went to the genocide memorial and she made note that the Rwandan government says that the umm....I'm using the word 'Rwandan genocide' because its common, not because I understand it the way every one does. She asked the question whether, because the government said it was genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus, which would mean that Hutus who defended Tutsis--and there were many; the question was "where is the memorial to the dead Hutus?" The Rwandan government insists that ONLY Tutsi were victims, but describes 1994 as: "a genocide of Tutsi and moderate Hutus" Ingabire got in trouble for pointing out that there are no memorials to Hutu victims, whether "moderate" or not. There are none in the country, and anyone who suggests that Hutus were also victims during that period has the same faith as Victoire Ingabire and-me. And suggesting that both sides committed crimes is a crime, according to the Rwandan government. That's what my arrest shows.

ANJ: Some Rwandans and even some member states of the African Union have questioned why the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is based in Tanzania; arguing that it would best address crime and issues of the Rwandan genocide if it was housed in Rwanda. What is your reaction to this?

Erlinder: When you've had a civil war, and one side has won the civil war, how can you set up a neutral tribunal of the sort in the country? I don't think that would be possible in any country. And to suggest that it is possible in Africa, I think it's unlikely. Also I want to make it clear, that I have never said that large numbers of Tutsis were not killed. However the most recent evidence, not by me, but by Allan Stam at the University of Michigan and Christian Davenport of Notre Dame. They analyzed all the reports that all the NGOs had, and all the reports that the Rwandan government had, and they came to the conclusion that there were twice as many Hutus killed as Tutsis. We have to think through what really happened. But I can say that from the experience of other countries, if there is a civil war and one side wins the war, it's unlikely that they're going to give the side they defeated the benefit of doubt, and that happened in the US civil war as well. The US controlled the South militarily for twenty years or more and for a long time, it wasn't even possible for us to discuss the idea that the Confederate states had a significant that could be defended, and they were also blamed for everything. When there's a civil war, that's what happens, different sides tell different stories.

ANJ: Are you still the Defense Council for Victoire Ingabire?

Erlinder: No, I was never given the opportunity to defend her. I had applied for accreditation from the Rwandan Bar, and it was never granted, and even when I got to Rwanda to represent her, I was arrested and sent to jail. She does have a different Defense Council, however, I have kept in touch with her every now and then...and would be willing to give her my advice if she requests it.

ANJ: Thank you again for meeting and talking with The African News Journal, and also thank you for your commitment with the ICTR, your stand for justice, and for your continuous defense of the suppressed.

Erlinder: Thank you too, and it was marvelous that the ICTR stood behind me in my time of need. My opinion is that the support I got from around world was significant in my release; and of course, you know that there have been assassinations and the lawyer who replaced me as Ingabire's defense attorney was arrested and tortured, so I consider myself lucky.

US expresses concern about Rwanda election

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States expressed concern on Friday about "disturbing events" surrounding this week's presidential election in Rwanda in which incumbent Paul Kagame drew 93 percent of the votes.
The White House National Security Council said in a statement that progress has been in Rwanda since the 1994 genocide of 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus.

"We remain concerned, however, about a series of disturbing events prior to the election, including the suspension of two newspapers, the expulsion of a human rights researcher, the barring of two opposition parties from taking part in the election, and the arrest of journalists," National Security Council spokesman Mike Hammer said in a statement.

The land-locked African country's stability and prosperity will be difficult to sustain without broad political debate and open political participation, Hammer said.

Critics say the Rwandan election campaign was marred by government repression. Human rights groups pointed to mounting violence during the run-up to the election after the fatal shooting of a local journalist and the killing of an opposition official who was found nearly beheaded in July. The government denied involvement.

"Democracy is about more than holding elections," Hammer added. "A democracy reflects the will of the people, where minority voices are heard and respected, where opposition candidates run on the issues without threat or intimidation, where freedom of expression and freedom of the press are protected."

The White House statement does not congratulate Kagame for his re-election in Monday's voting.

Kagame's nearest rival, Jean Damascene Ntawukuliryayo of the Social Democratic Party, won 5 percent of the vote, according to final election results released on Wednesday.

"We have expressed our concerns to the government of Rwanda, and we hope the leadership will take steps toward more democratic governance, increased respect for minority and opposition views, and continued peace," Hammer said.

Victoire Ingabire survives a car accident in Kigali

Victoire Ingabire survives a car accident in Kigali
by Chief Editor

by Ambrose Nzeyimana
on Wednesday, August 11, 2010.Victoire Ingabire, a Rwandan opposition leader, just survived a car accident a moment ago, a day after a Rwandan minister claimed ‘if Victoire Ingabire dies in a car accident, don’t blame the government.’

Watch the Video where Rwandan Minister talks about Ingabire’s potential car accident. It’s 8.30 pm London time. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, the leader of FDU-Inkingi has just escaped an attempt of murder in Kigali a moment ago.

‘Victoire Ingabire has just survived a car accident a few minutes ago,’ says her friend.

Someone who couldn’t believe the news questioned the source:’really? a few minutes from now precisely 38 the friend said that if Ingabire died it would have been by car accident and now it happens! How accurate is that?’

Another interlocutor in their conversation wonders about a report in the news saying that if Ingabire was to have a car accident people would maybe question that it wasn’t an accident. The surprise is only that what was predicted, this time it is not an accident but should now be considered as premeditated murder. The timing of the report and the accident appear suspect. You win elections and keep on silencing the critical voices.

‘She just told me. I am only confirming the news. Those involved are injured, but people in her car are not. The car is a bit damaged. It just happened near her home,’ reports Ingabire’s friend.

At the question from someone who asked if there was any collision Ingabire’s friend explained that they knocked her car from behind.

This is interesting and scary. Mrs Victoire Ingabire, a Rwandan opposition leader, just survived a car accident a moment ago, a day after a Rwandan minister claimed ‘if Victoire Ingabire dies in a car accident, don’t blame the government.’

Can the celebrations of the elections’ victory continue? Will the endorsements of the elect President continue?

On the contrary of James Bond movies where villains are brought down, in Rwanda the community international is celebrating them.

Ambrose Nzeyimana
Africanist and Human rights activist

Amid Rwanda's successes, election raises concerns about suppression of rights

By Sudarsan Raghavan
Monday, August 9, 2010

KIGALI, RWANDA -- Ever since Paul Kagame rose to power after the 1994 Rwandan genocide that killed 800,000 people, the United States and its allies have embraced him as one of Africa's greatest hopes.

Each year, they give hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to this East African nation famous for its lush green hills and mountain gorillas.

But a growing chorus of critics charges that Kagame is transforming into the continent's latest strongman, suppressing political opponents, independent media and human rights to deepen his grip on power. On Monday, the 52-year-old leader is widely expected to win by a landslide in Rwanda's presidential election, which has been marred by killings, a lack of credible political opponents and censorship.

"American and British taxpayers are sponsoring an authoritative regime, a dictatorship that has oppressed its own people," said Paul Rusesabagina, the former hotel manager credited with saving hundreds of ethnic Tutsis and Hutus in 1994, as depicted in the movie "Hotel Rwanda." "There is no need for elections. We already know the winners."

Kagame, tall and bespectacled, has denied using repression to remain in power. His close associates say actions taken against political rivals and the media have been justified and in adherence with Rwanda's laws. Kagame's critics, they say, have overblown what is happening and are obscuring Rwanda's considerable successes.

In recent months, though, even Kagame's staunchest ally, the United States, has expressed discomfort. In May, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Johnnie Carson told a congressional subcommittee that the run-up to the election had been "riddled by a series of worrying actions."

Those actions, Carson said, included the suspension of two newspapers, the arrest of an opposition leader, the expulsion of a human rights researcher and the barring of two opposition parties from taking part in the election.

Human rights activists welcomed Carson's statements but said they did little to change attitudes in Rwanda. The United States and other Western powers, they said, are still reluctant to take tougher actions, such as slashing aid or strongly criticizing Kagame's government.


"A big reason for this is the international guilt for not being able to stop the genocide. That guilt has shaped Western policies towards Rwanda since the end of the genocide," said Carina Tertsakian, the Human Rights Watch researcher who was expelled from the country in April. "As a result, the Rwandan government believes it can get away with what it is doing."

Rwandan officials have dismissed Carson's statements. Others viewed Carson's comments as meant to please international human rights groups and Rwanda's critics in the United States, which gave $184 million in aid to Rwanda this fiscal year.

"I don't think these American officials are that concerned with Rwanda," said Charles Murigande, Rwanda's minister of education. "They know Rwanda is a country that is functioning very well, a country that is stable . . . that is using any of their assistance in an accountable and transparent manner."

Economic growth


Even Rwanda's harshest critics concede that the country has thrived economically in the 16 years since Kagame led his Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front guerrilla army to end the genocide.
Since 2005, Rwanda's gross domestic product has doubled to $5 billion. It is widely considered among Africa's least corrupt nations. Foreign direct investment has increased nearly 17-fold since 2003, to $541 million last year. Investors include U.S. companies such as Starbucks, one of the biggest buyers of Rwanda's coffee.

The streets of Kigali, the capital, are clean and mostly devoid of potholes. Construction is underway on dozens of buildings. Malls have opened, along with stylish cafes. A fiber-optic network is being laid across the country.

Unlike most nations in Africa, Rwanda grows enough food for its 9.7 million people and exports the rest to neighboring countries. Nearly every Rwandan has state-sponsored health insurance. In 1994, fewer than 1 million children were in primary school. Now, 2.4 million are.

Under Kagame, more women are in government than in any other country in the world. Women can now inherit land, unlike in most parts of the continent. "We are now represented at all levels, from the grass roots to the parliament," said Speciose Mukandutiye, a female lawmaker. "In Kagame, we have a man we can trust."

Dissenting voices


Such progress has caught the attention of Western leaders. Former British prime minister Tony Blair has lauded Kagame as "a visionary." Last year, former president Bill Clinton gave Kagame a Clinton Global Citizen Award for leading Rwanda through "an unparalleled transformation."

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza disagrees with such characterizations. A leading Hutu politician, she returned from exile in January to run against Kagame. She was arrested on charges of denying the genocide and collaborating with Hutu extremist groups, charges she denies.

"The stability we have is stability based on repression, not based on freedom," said Ingabire, who has been released on bail. "The stability based on repression does not have any future."

Rwandan officials say they have every right to pursue anyone they think is trying to divide the country and foment instability. Some likened it to McCarthy-era witch hunts in the United States in the 1950s.


"If at one point America had that fear of communists to that extent, why can't we have fear of genocide to that extent, knowing very well the horrors that genocide has produced in this country?" Murigande said.

Politics and murder


On July 14, Andre Rwisereka, the deputy leader of the opposition Democratic Green Party, was found brutally killed, nearly decapitated. The police said he was murdered over a business dispute, but Rwisereka's party members contend he was a political target of the government. U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has demanded an investigation.

Neither Ingabire's party nor Rwisereka's registered for the elections, citing the intimidation. On Monday, Kagame will compete against three challengers -- all former allies who share his views.

Another Kagame critic, former army chief Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, was shot and wounded on June 19 in South Africa, where he had fled after being accused of participating in deadly grenade attacks in Kigali.

Five days later, the deputy editor of an opposition newspaper, Jean-Leonard Rugambage, published an online article linking Rwandan intelligence agents to Kayumba's attempted assassination. By that night, the 38-year-old journalist was dead, shot by a gunman in front of his green-gated house in Kigali.

Rwandan officials denied any role in the shooting and arrested a man they said confessed to the killing because he believed Rugambage had participated in the genocide.

But the editor in chief of the newspaper, who himself had fled to Uganda in April after a series of death threats, said Rugambage was killed because of the article. "I can never return to Rwanda now," Jean Bosco Gasasira, the editor, said in a telephone interview.

Rusesabagina, the former hotel manager, likened the tensions today to the months before the genocide. "Back then, it was like a simmering volcano," he said. "It feels like that again now".

S.Africa recalls ambassador to Rwanda

AFP) – 6 hours ago

PRETORIA — South Africa has recalled its ambassador to Kigali following a diplomatic row over the shooting of an exiled Rwandan army general in Johannesburg, the foreign ministry said Thursday.

"We have recalled our ambassador to Rwanda for consultations. Let me be categorical. We have not broken diplomatic relations with Rwanda," foreign ministry director general Ayanda Ntsaluba told a news conference.

The move is traditionally the strongest demonstration of official disapproval short of severing diplomatic relations, but Ntsaluba said Pretoria was in discussions with the Rwandan government.

"All of us are just trying to understand how we can work on our relations," he said.

Dissident Rwandan general Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa was shot and wounded on June 19. His wife has called the shooting an assassination attempt sparked by Nyamwasa's criticisms of President Paul Kagame.

Five men have been charged over the murder, but South African prosecutors have not revealed their nationalities, saying only that they were investigating if the men were in the country legally.

"The presence of some Rwandese people in South Africa has had an impact on those relations," Ntsaluba said of Pretoria's recent ties with Rwanda.

"We are not making any connection by recalling our ambassador between the government of Rwanda and the specific incident involving general Nyamwasa," he said. However he added: "Clearly the presence of the individuals here has raised the temperature."

The Rwandan foreign ministry summoned South Africa's ambassador Gladstone Dumisani Gwadiso last month to express its concern over the probe into the shooting of Nyamwasa. Rwanda has denied any role in the shooting.

South Africa has suggested foreign agents might have been involved in the shooting but did not say which country they were from.

INTERVIEW: Exiled Rwanda colonel calls for war on Kagame

News
Written by ROBERT MUKOMBOZI
Monday, 02 August 2010 06:19
Karegeya says ‘dictators’ don’t step down, they are ‘brought down’

Jailed twice over alleged indiscipline, desertion and insubordination, PATRICK KAREGEYA was stripped of his rank of Colonel. The former Rwandan intelligence chief later fled to exile in 2007. He spoke to ROBERT MUKOMBOZI late last month about his fallout with President Kagame, escape, and life in South Africa.

Before delving into Rwandan issues, could you explain your role in the NRA rebellion?

I was born in Mbarara, Uganda, to a refugee family. I can’t remember how many primary schools I went through in Uganda. I finally earned my Bachelor of Law degree at Makerere University. It was a period of political upheaval; so, after university I started recruiting youth for NRA, but I was later arrested in June 1982 and charged with treason. I spent three years in Luzira Prison. Later, I managed to join [President] Museveni in Luweero until we finally liberated Uganda.

You were in the NRA, so how did you start planning the Rwanda liberation struggle?

It is true at the time of planning the Rwanda liberation struggle, I was an active officer in the NRA [now Uganda People’s Defence Forces]. Meetings were held at my private residence in Muyenga, Kampala. President Paul Kagame and the late Fred Rwigyema were part of those meetings, including others who are now senior leaders and army officers in the Rwandan government. At that time I was a lieutenant in military intelligence (serving as an assistant Director-Counter Intelligence in the Directorate of Military Intelligence). I was co-ordinating intelligence over a very wide area before any decision to invade Rwanda could be made. My spy network was widespread across Africa and overseas. My colleague (Paul Kagame) went to the United States for further studies and he was later informed that we had already invaded Rwanda. Museveni was very instrumental in the planning and subsequent invasion of Rwanda. He supported us and did not hamper any of our missions and agenda; he only asked for our cooperation and we were very cooperative.

What was most challenging in your career as a spy chief, especially in the struggle to liberate Rwanda?

Coordinating intelligence during war is very intricate, particularly in a scenario where you are dealing with insurgents, the perpetrators of genocide.
The government did not have structures and that means it didn’t have an intelligence structure as well. We went ahead and coordinated the return of thousands of Rwandans who had been displaced by the 1994 genocide but among them were ex-FAR and Interahamwe. The massive infiltration caught us off guard. It was very challenging but we built an intelligence structure which was very formidable and successful.

You said Museveni was very supportive but you were instrumental in killing his soldiers during the DR Congo (Kisangani) clashes between the RPA and UPDF between 1998 and 2003.

It is true I co-ordinated intelligence during that war but the DR Congo issues are very complicated. Fighting the enemy you know (the UPDF) was especially very challenging but inevitable because we had both deployed.

Now [President] Kagame says he will track you down for masterminding terrorist attacks in Kigali. What do you have to say about that?

I am actually disappointed in him. First of all, terrorism is just a political tool used by all dictators to deal with their opponents due to the weight the international community has attached to this charge. That is just blackmail.
He [Kagame] has created a lot of divisions in the army. There were wild allegations that I had problems with the Chief of General Staff [Gen. James Kabareebe] but he [Kagame] was actually the man behind all these fabricated charges of insubordination and desertion.
I remember when he [Kagame] was being called and asked where I should be jailed. Even the army wasn’t sure about which charges they should prefer against me and where I should be jailed. For all the jail terms I served in Rwanda, the army, under orders of the commander-in-chief, detained me in solitary confinement, not allowing any family member or friend to visit me, which is extreme psychological torture going by the international human rights conventions. All the orders were coming direct from Kagame.
All these are political tools that Kagame uses to silence his opponents. I have actually stopped responding to Kagame’s accusations because it is a waste of time.
We fought for the liberation of Rwanda so that Rwandans can enjoy peace and be delivered from dictatorship but we have not seen that. A dictator can never step down, they are brought down. It’s only Rwandans who can stand up now and fight for their freedom. Kagame will have his breaking point and I think it will be very soon.
There is no one who will come to save Rwandans from the dictatorship of Kagame and there is no time to fold hands. They should stand up to him and say look; we are tired, you have to go. Obviously some will lose their lives in the process but those who will die will have lost life for a worthy cause, and I am prepared to support Rwandans who want to fight the dictatorship of Paul Kagame.

How do you explain the mysterious death of Col. Rezinde in 1996 and former Internal Security Minister Seth Sendashonga on May 16, 1998, both of whom were assassinated under your watch as the Director, External Intelligence?

It is not only Col. Rezinde and Sendashonga who died mysteriously around that time. Many people, especially politicians, died under mysterious circumstances. I can’t say I don’t have information regarding those cases, but Kagame was the boss so he is in a better position to explain those assassinations and mysterious disappearances of people. Families of people who lost their relatives and friends in mysterious circumstances have the right to seek answers from Kagame and if they want they can go ahead and institute a legal measure because they have the right to know what happened. When time comes for me to present my version of information, I am prepared to do that.

Rwanda’s Prosecutor General has written to the South African government saying security and judicial organs are in possession of evidence implicating you and Lt. Gen. Nyamwasa in acts of terrorism and grenade attacks. Are you prepared for extradition?

All those are fabricated and baseless charges. They are saying we bombed Kigali but we both know this is not true, but let me remind the Rwandan government that they have no extradition treaty with South Africa. I and my colleague (Gen. Nyamwasa) are in South Africa legally. We are both lawyers and we have secured political asylum, and we are well aware that no amount of political pressure can change this fact. In fact, we have waited for the Rwandan government to take legal action but we haven’t heard anything from them. We will not even need anyone to represent us in courts of law on this matter because it is a simple case that is politically motivated. We will meet in court. There is no evidence whatsoever that links us to the bombing in Kigali.



Are you safe in South Africa after the recent attempt on Gen. Nyamwasa’s life?

We have political asylum in South Africa and we will remain here. Proximity is very important. If Kagame had remained in the United States [During the 1990-94 liberation struggle and after], he would not be the Rwanda president today.

You sneaked out of the country dramatically in November 2007, how did you beat the security?

The way I managed to slip out of the hands of Rwanda’s security apparatus is still my secret. Besides, if I reveal those details I may be blocking the way for others who want to escape from Kagame’s oppressive regime. I know of so many people in Rwanda who would want to use the same route but their day hasn’t come yet and I do not want to be their obstruction.

Robert Mukombozi is currently studying for a
master’s in Journalism and Mass Communication at Griffith University, Australia.

PROFILE: Patrick Karegeya

1960 - Born to late John Kanimba and Jane Kenshoro, a refugee Rwandan family in Mbarara district.

1982 – Graduated with a Law degree from Makerere University.

1990 - Served in the Directorate of Military Intelligence in Uganda and later became the coordinator of intelligence services for rebel RPA.

1994 - 2004 – Director General, External Intelligence in the RPA/Rwanda Defence Forces.

2004 - Serving as Rwanda Defence Forces spokesman, he was arrested and detained for “indiscipline” .

2006 – Stripped of his military rank of Colonel on July 13, 2006 by the military tribunal.
2007- Flees to exile.

. Married to Leah and they have a daughter and two sons.

Rwanda on brink of chaos, says opposition leader

NAIROBI — A leading Rwandan opposition figure excluded from next week's presidential election said Wednesday that her country was on the brink of chaos.

Victoire Ingabire, who is under house arrest and faces charges of terrorism and negating the 1994 genocide, said the world was turning a blind eye to the crisis in Rwanda.

"While some members of the international community and even a handful set of militant diplomats fool the world that the ongoing sham election has some sort of credibility, the country is getting closer to the brink of chaos," she said.

"The world is failing Rwanda once again, and the democracy ideal is thwarted. A new long crisis is looming," said Ingabire, whose United Democratic Forces was denied official registration, disqualifying her from the election.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has been leading a high-octane and expensive campaign over the past two weeks and is almost assured of re-election on August 9, facing the challenge of only three politicians with ties to his regime.

Opponents and rights have criticised Kagame for tightening the noose on any dissident voices ahead of the election but the authorities have dismissed the accusations as unfounded and the result of a smear campaign.

'Those who want war will get war': Rwanda's Kagame

Wed Aug 4, 8:02 am ET
KIGALI (AFP) – Rwandan President Paul Kagame warned he will crush any attempt to destabilise his regime, as he ramped up his re-election campaign ahead of August 9 polls.

"All those who want war, we'll give them war and they will regret it," Kagame said at a campaign meeting late Tuesday in Kicukiro district, outside the capital Kigali.

His remarks appeared directed at Patrick Karegeya, a former intelligence chief, who fled into exile three years ago and this week called for an uprising against Kagame, who has ruled Rwanda since 1994.

"There is no one who will come to save Rwandans from the dictatorship of Kagame and there is no time to fold hands. They should stand up to him and say look, we are tired, you have to go," Karegeya told Uganda's Observer, an independent bi-weekly newspaper.

"Obviously some will lose their lives in the process but those who will die will have lost life for a worthy cause, and I am prepared to support Rwandans who want to fight the dictatorship of Paul Kagame," he added.

Several senior army officers have been arrested in recent months and one general, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, narrowly survived an assassination attempt in June in South Africa, where he had joined Karegeya.

Kagame is running in next week's presidential polls against three candidates who are close to his regime. Other key opponents have seen their parties barred from official registration.

Opponents and rights have criticised Kagame for tightening the noose on any dissident voices ahead of the election but the authorities have dismissed the accusations as unfounded and the result of a smear campaign.

In an earlier rally, Kagame had told critics of his regime that they could "go hang".