Monday, December 31, 2012
Umwami Kigeli arasaba Leta ya Kagame kunamura icumu.
Umwami Kigeli arasaba Leta ya Kagame kunamura icumu.
Umwami Kigeli arasaba Leta ya Kagame kunamura icumu.
Ikinyamakuru Umuvugizi cyakoranye ikiganiro n’umwami w’u Rwanda Kigeli Ndahindurwa V ku itariki ya 13 Ukwakira 2010, aho ari muri Amerika, adutangariza uko abona u Rwanda muri iki gihe.
Mu ijambo rye, Umwami Kigeli Ndahindurwa V yadutangarije ko igihe kigeze ko Leta y’u Rwanda yunamura icumu , ikarecyeraho kwica cyangwa gutoteza abayinenga kuko atari umuco w’abanyarwanda, kandi ko abanyarwanda bishwe bihagije, bityo akaba asanga Leta ikwiriye gushaka umuti urambye w’ibintu bayinengaho aho kubishakira mu kwica no gufunga buri muntu uyinenze, cyangwa uwo yikanze ko ayinenga.
Umwami Kigeli yaboneyeho umwanya wo gusaba Leta ya Kagame gushyikiriza ubutabera abantu bose bafungiye mu Rwanda bazira ibitekerezo byabo kuko benshi bafungiye akarengane, yatanze urugero nka Gen Muhire , Gen Karenzi Karake, Me Ntaganda, hamwe nabandi nka Madame Ingabire ukomeje gusiragizwa mu butabera kandi butarangira.
Yakomeje avuga ko buri munyarwanda acyeneye kwishyira akizana, akaba mu mudendezo uzira urwicyekwe n’ubwoba, ubutabera busesuye ni ngobwa kuri buri wese. Abanyapolitiki bakwiriye kwirinda gukoresha inkoni y’ubutabera mu kwigizayo uwo badashaka cyangwa bikanze ko atavuga rumwe nabo.
Yashimangiye ko mu Rwanda akarengane ari kenshi kandi ko ubutabera budakora, bwamizwe n’abanyapolitiki. N’agahinda kenshi Umwami yagize ati “ … guhana si bibi ku muntu wakoze icyaha ariko ikimpangayikishije ni ukuntu abantu bakomeje kuyobora igihugu nk’akarima kabo, aho bica bagakiza kandi igihugu ari icy’ abanyarwanda muri rusange. Guhana uwakosheje ni ishingano za Leta, ariko kurenganya udafite icyaha kubera inyungu z’abanyapolitiki biteye agahinda ”.
Yashimangiye ko mu Rwanda akarengane ari kenshi kandi ko ubutabera budakora, bwamizwe n’abanyapolitiki. N’agahinda kenshi Umwami yagize ati “ … guhana si bibi ku muntu wakoze icyaha ariko ikimpangayikishije ni ukuntu abantu bakomeje kuyobora igihugu nk’akarima kabo, aho bica bagakiza kandi igihugu ari icy’ abanyarwanda muri rusange. Guhana uwakosheje ni ishingano za Leta, ariko kurenganya udafite icyaha kubera inyungu z’abanyapolitiki biteye agahinda ”.
Umwami Kigeli arasaba Abanyarwanda kurecyeraho ubusambo.
Yakomeje adutangariza ko ahamagararira abanyarwanda bose gushyira hamwe bagakomera ku muco wabo, bakirinda umururumba n’ubusambo bumaze kubarenga, k’uburyo badatinya gusahura umutungo wa rubanda rwa giseseka, n’abandi bari hanze y’u Rwanda bamaze kwimakaza umuco wa mpemuke-ndamuke , kuburyo basigaye batagitinya kugambanirana cyangwa kumarana kugirango babone indamu.
Ikindi nuko usanga igihe kigeze kugira ngo abanyapolitiki bacu bicishe bugufi, aho kwiyumva no gusuzugura kuko ari byo birimo kuganisha igihugu mu byago bikomeye, kubera umurengwe . Umwami yakomeje avuga ko bimubabaje cyane kubona abantu basigaye barahinduye kwica nk’umukino kandi ibyo bikaba bitadukanye n’umuco w’abanyarwanda.
Umwami Kigeli aravuga iki kuri raporo ya Loni?
Twabajije umwami Kigeli Ndahindurwa V icyo avuga kuri raporo ya Loni igaragaza ko ingabo z’uRwanda zaba zarakoreye abahutu jenoside muri Kongo, maze umwami agira ati “…nkuko nakunze kubikubwira jyewe sindi umunyapolitiki kandi si ndi n’umucamanza, ariko nanone nsanga Leta y’uRwanda ikwiriye kureka ubutabera bugakora kandi mu bwisanzure”. Umwami yakomeje agira ati “… niba Leta y’u Rwanda ibona ko nta cyaha yakoze, nta mpamvu yo kotsa igitutu abayishinja, nireke ijye mu butabera niba irengana ubutabera buzayirenganura”.
Umwami yakomeje avuga ko umuti nyawo w’ikibazo cy’abanyarwanda ari ugukundana, ubutabera k’uburyo bureshya kuri buri wese, uwakosheje agahanwa kandi n’abarengana bakarenganurwa nta vangura.
Umwami Kigeli akaba asanga hagomba kubaho umuntu ugomba guhuza abanyarwanda bose muri rusange kandi n’abanyarwanda bagomba kwimakaza umuco wo gukunda igihugu, bakishakira umuti wacyemura ibibazo byabo kugira ngo ibibazo bafite birandurwe burundu, k’uburyo buri mu nyarwanda wese yakwishyira akiza mu rwamubyaye.
Umwami Kigeli akaba asanga hagomba kubaho umuntu ugomba guhuza abanyarwanda bose muri rusange kandi n’abanyarwanda bagomba kwimakaza umuco wo gukunda igihugu, bakishakira umuti wacyemura ibibazo byabo kugira ngo ibibazo bafite birandurwe burundu, k’uburyo buri mu nyarwanda wese yakwishyira akiza mu rwamubyaye.
Akaba yarasoje ahamagararira abanyarwanda bose gukundana, guhuza no kwicisha bugufi, akomeza avuga ko kwishyira hejuru no kwiyumva ko uri hejura y’abandi bitemewe, ko uwishyize hejuru Imana imusubiza hasi.
Umwami Kigeli Ndahindurwa wa V asanga niba abanyarwanda badasubiye ku muco wabo wo gukora ikiza bakirinda ikibi , bakagira urukundo, aho kwiyumvamo umuntu w’igitangaza, ukize cyangwa ufite ingufu kuruta abandi, akabuza abo ashinzwe amahwemo, ngo igihugu kiragana mu bihe bibi cyane.
Umwami Kigeli Ndahindurwa wa V asanga niba abanyarwanda badasubiye ku muco wabo wo gukora ikiza bakirinda ikibi , bakagira urukundo, aho kwiyumvamo umuntu w’igitangaza, ukize cyangwa ufite ingufu kuruta abandi, akabuza abo ashinzwe amahwemo, ngo igihugu kiragana mu bihe bibi cyane.
Yarangije atubwira ko asaba Imana ko yaha amahoro abanyarwanda bose uko ari inyabutatu, abari mu gihugu imbere no hanze yacyo.
Sunday, December 30, 2012
Friday, December 28, 2012
Rwanda: la surveillance de la population se renforce
Le Comité de sécurité de la ville de Kigali a annoncé ce vendredi 21 décembre que « la population devait signaler aux responsables publics tous les invités qui viennent loger chez elle », les hôtels, et les maisons d’hôtes sont soumises également à cette obligation, de signaler toute personne séjournant dans leurs établissements. Par ailleurs, la ville demande à chaque personne de « signaler tout personne ou toute situation sur laquelle elle aurait des préoccupations», sans que la ville ne précise, le type de « préoccupations» visés par cette mesure. Cette décision vient renforcer d’autres séries de mesures qui ont été adoptées en 2012 par les pouvoirs publics pour limiter les libertés publiques et renforcer la surveillance de la population. La dernière mesure en date étant l’injonction, en date du 22 décembre, à tous les détenteurs des téléphones portables de se faire enregistrer sous peine de voir leurs cartes SIM bloquées après le 31 juillet 2013.
Après des lois relatives à l’idéologie génocidaire et au sectarisme, des lois visant à surveiller les appels téléphoniques, les échanges de courriels et les consultations de sites web, le régime de Kigali renforce encore son emprise sur la population en l’obligeant à signaler quiconque vient loger chez elle, étendant ainsi la surveillance jusque dans les foyers.
Lors d’une réunion que le Comité de sécurité de la ville de Kigali a tenu ce vendredi 21 décembre, dirigée par Ndayisaba Fidel le Maire de Kigali, il a été décidé des mesures mettant la population sous une étroite surveillance, en veillant à ce qu’on sache qui va chez qui et quand. « Le Comité de sécurité de la ville de Kigali rappelle la population qu’elle doit signaler aux autorités publiques (locales) les personnes qui la rendent visite à leur domicile » annonce le communiqué publié sur le site de la ville de Kigali sans donner aucune raison valable justifiant une telle intrusion dans la vie privé. La ville rappelle que les hôtels et mêmes les maisons d’hôtes sont également concernées par cette obligation, de tenir un registre où est consignée l’identité de toute personne qu’ils hébergent dans leurs établissements quelque soit son identité où son statut.
Cette décision vient renforcer tout un arsenal de mesures de contrôle dont le régime n’a cessé de se doter. En effet, à partir du 1er juillet 2012, tous les appels entrants de l’étranger sont payants alors que jusque-là recevoir un appel de l’extérieur du Rwanda était gratuit, il a été imposé également à partir de cette date à tous les utilisateurs de GSM de se faire enregistrer à la police. L’agence Rwandaise de régulation publique (Rwanda Utilities Regulatory Agency (RURA)), a annoncé ce samedi 22 décembre 2012 par la voix du Major Francois Regis Gatarayiha que les détenteurs des téléphones portables ont jusqu’au 31 juillet 2013 pour se faire enregistrer à la police, après cette date, ceux qui ne se seront pas fait connaitre, verront leurs cartes SIM bloquées, a annoncé Igihe.com. Cette obligation concerne plus de cinq millions d’utilisateurs de téléphones portables qui ont souscrits leur abonnement chez MTN, TIGO et Airtel, les trois principaux operateurs téléphoniques du pays.
Mais la mesure de censure ayant le plus fait grincer les dents en 2012 est une loi votée par les députés le 6 août 2012, autorisant les services de sécurité à écouter tous les appels téléphoniques et lire les courriels entre les particuliers. Cette loi punit même toute personne qui consulte (sur internet) les sites non approuvés par le pouvoir et ceux qui lisent les informations non approuvées par le pouvoir.
Dans un article intitulé « Rwanda : une étudiante emprisonnée pour idéologie génocidaire », paru sur Jambonews le 16 juillet 2011, nous étions revenus sur la manière dont, dans les établissements scolaires, la DMI (service de renseignement militaire) a engagé des petits groupes d’étudiants et professeurs, chargés d’espionner leurs collègues. Ces groupes composés principalement par des individus voués à la cause du régime, signalent chaque fait et geste de leurs collègues, tout particulièrement ceux qui sont soupçonnés de critiquer le pouvoir.
Il faut néanmoins rappeler qu’au Rwanda, les lois relatives à « l’idéologie génocidaire » et le « sectarisme », sont les plus liberticides parmi celles adoptées dans ce pays. Ces lois qui selon le régime visent à combattre les idées qui conduisent au génocide, sont rédigées en termes vagues et contradictoires qu’il est difficile voire impossible de se défendre quand on est accusé de les avoir enfreint. Selon Amnesty International ces « lois formulées en termes vagues permettent d’ériger en infraction toute critique à l’égard du gouvernement ». « En raison de l’ambiguïté des lois sur l’“idéologie du génocide” et le “sectarisme”, les Rwandais vivent dans la peur d’être punis pour avoir dit ce qu’il ne fallait pas », a expliqué Erwin van der Borght, directeur du programme Afrique d’Amnesty International. « La plupart choisissent la sécurité et préfèrent se taire » poursuit –t-il.
Avec ces mesures visants à exiger à la population de signaler aux autorités quiconque sera hébergé dans sa maison et contraignant chaque utilisateur de téléphone portable à se déclarer, le gouvernement vient de franchir un nouveau pas dans sa politique de contrôle des citoyens.
Jean Mitari
Jambonews.net
Après des lois relatives à l’idéologie génocidaire et au sectarisme, des lois visant à surveiller les appels téléphoniques, les échanges de courriels et les consultations de sites web, le régime de Kigali renforce encore son emprise sur la population en l’obligeant à signaler quiconque vient loger chez elle, étendant ainsi la surveillance jusque dans les foyers.
Lors d’une réunion que le Comité de sécurité de la ville de Kigali a tenu ce vendredi 21 décembre, dirigée par Ndayisaba Fidel le Maire de Kigali, il a été décidé des mesures mettant la population sous une étroite surveillance, en veillant à ce qu’on sache qui va chez qui et quand. « Le Comité de sécurité de la ville de Kigali rappelle la population qu’elle doit signaler aux autorités publiques (locales) les personnes qui la rendent visite à leur domicile » annonce le communiqué publié sur le site de la ville de Kigali sans donner aucune raison valable justifiant une telle intrusion dans la vie privé. La ville rappelle que les hôtels et mêmes les maisons d’hôtes sont également concernées par cette obligation, de tenir un registre où est consignée l’identité de toute personne qu’ils hébergent dans leurs établissements quelque soit son identité où son statut.
Cette décision vient renforcer tout un arsenal de mesures de contrôle dont le régime n’a cessé de se doter. En effet, à partir du 1er juillet 2012, tous les appels entrants de l’étranger sont payants alors que jusque-là recevoir un appel de l’extérieur du Rwanda était gratuit, il a été imposé également à partir de cette date à tous les utilisateurs de GSM de se faire enregistrer à la police. L’agence Rwandaise de régulation publique (Rwanda Utilities Regulatory Agency (RURA)), a annoncé ce samedi 22 décembre 2012 par la voix du Major Francois Regis Gatarayiha que les détenteurs des téléphones portables ont jusqu’au 31 juillet 2013 pour se faire enregistrer à la police, après cette date, ceux qui ne se seront pas fait connaitre, verront leurs cartes SIM bloquées, a annoncé Igihe.com. Cette obligation concerne plus de cinq millions d’utilisateurs de téléphones portables qui ont souscrits leur abonnement chez MTN, TIGO et Airtel, les trois principaux operateurs téléphoniques du pays.
Mais la mesure de censure ayant le plus fait grincer les dents en 2012 est une loi votée par les députés le 6 août 2012, autorisant les services de sécurité à écouter tous les appels téléphoniques et lire les courriels entre les particuliers. Cette loi punit même toute personne qui consulte (sur internet) les sites non approuvés par le pouvoir et ceux qui lisent les informations non approuvées par le pouvoir.
Dans un article intitulé « Rwanda : une étudiante emprisonnée pour idéologie génocidaire », paru sur Jambonews le 16 juillet 2011, nous étions revenus sur la manière dont, dans les établissements scolaires, la DMI (service de renseignement militaire) a engagé des petits groupes d’étudiants et professeurs, chargés d’espionner leurs collègues. Ces groupes composés principalement par des individus voués à la cause du régime, signalent chaque fait et geste de leurs collègues, tout particulièrement ceux qui sont soupçonnés de critiquer le pouvoir.
Il faut néanmoins rappeler qu’au Rwanda, les lois relatives à « l’idéologie génocidaire » et le « sectarisme », sont les plus liberticides parmi celles adoptées dans ce pays. Ces lois qui selon le régime visent à combattre les idées qui conduisent au génocide, sont rédigées en termes vagues et contradictoires qu’il est difficile voire impossible de se défendre quand on est accusé de les avoir enfreint. Selon Amnesty International ces « lois formulées en termes vagues permettent d’ériger en infraction toute critique à l’égard du gouvernement ». « En raison de l’ambiguïté des lois sur l’“idéologie du génocide” et le “sectarisme”, les Rwandais vivent dans la peur d’être punis pour avoir dit ce qu’il ne fallait pas », a expliqué Erwin van der Borght, directeur du programme Afrique d’Amnesty International. « La plupart choisissent la sécurité et préfèrent se taire » poursuit –t-il.
Avec ces mesures visants à exiger à la population de signaler aux autorités quiconque sera hébergé dans sa maison et contraignant chaque utilisateur de téléphone portable à se déclarer, le gouvernement vient de franchir un nouveau pas dans sa politique de contrôle des citoyens.
Jean Mitari
Jambonews.net
Does the U.S. Support Destabilization in the DR Congo?
Does the U.S. Support Destabilization in the DR Congo?
Jennifer Fierberg, MSW Salem-News.com
The assassinations of three Presidents in the Central African
region are linked to President Paul Kagame.
Kambale
Musuvuli
|
(WASHINGTON DC) - One of the most profound and saddening
statements I have read recently was made by Kambale Musuvuli, a Congolese
activist and spokesperson for Friends of the Congo; he said, “Congo is a test
for humanity. Future generations will ask why it took two decades to stop
killing of Congolese reaching 6 million dead.”
Why indeed.
Johnnie
Carson
|
The more one follows the developments in Central Africa the
angrier one should become. Weeks ago a subcommittee hearing of the U.S. House of
Representatives was held with guest speakers including Assistant Secretary of
State Johnnie Carson, John Prendergast, activist and co-founder of the Enough
Project as well as Steven Hege, former leader of the Group of Experts to the
UNSC and Congolese citizen Mvemba P. Dizolele, Visiting Fellow, at Hoover
Institution on War, Revolution and Peace.
While watching this hearing it was obvious that Assistant
Secretary of State Johnnie Carson was struggling to articulate any understanding
of the Rwandan government’s backing for the M23 rebel group currently
terrorizing the Eastern DRC and it was apparent that he supports and works
closely with this government.
Susan Rice
|
Ambassador Susan Rice’s political relationship with President
Kagame of Rwanda was exposed in numerous media reports including
one by this writer.
A simple Google search of Susan Rice’s political relationship
with Paul Kagame will yield a days’ worth of reading on the topic. Shortly after
this media frenzy Ambassador Rice announced that she was withdrawing her name
from consideration for the position of Secretary of State.
While the follow up reports of her withdrawal speculated that she
did so because of her statements regarding the attack in Benghazi others believe
she did so due to the connection with President Paul Kagame and how this
situation would affect the Senate confirmation hearings required for her being
appointed to the position of Secretary of State.
Rwanda President Paul Kagame,
Minister of Defense James Kabarebe and Brigadier General Jack
Nziza
|
Numerous human rights organizations have been taking to twitter,
email and phone calls to her office calling for her to sanction high ranking
Government of Rwanda Officials including President Paul Kagame, Minister of
Defense James Kabarebe, Brigadier General Jack Nziza who is the current
Directorate of Military Intelligence.
The blood on the hands of these three men is dripping with
hypocrisy, and yet Ambassador Rice continues to remain silent on this option.
Politics certainly makes for strange bed-fellows. All three of these men have
committed murder, intent to commit murder or are guilty of planning and ordering
the assassinations of numerous individuals both political and innocent civilians
while the international community has turned a blind eye.
But why?
Rwandan Defense Minister James
Kabarebe, President Paul Kagame, Chief of Land-Forces Gen. Charles
Kayonga
|
Kagame: connected to the
assassinations of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda,
President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi and President Laurent Desire Kabila of DR Congo |
The assassinations of three Presidents in the Central African
region are linked to President Paul Kagame which includes President
Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda, President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi and
President Laurent Desire Kabila of DR Congo.
How can three sitting presidents be killed in cold blood with no
international outcry, investigation or justice for these murders? For a person
to get away with murder they would have to have friends in very high political
places who are covering up those crimes or are complicit in them.
The relationship of President Paul Kagame with his US and
UK supporters goes back to when the RPF was still a rebel group
being formed in Uganda.
Researcher and Human Rights Watch Researcher Alison Des Forges documented the many crimes of Paul Kagame and was one of the
first to acknowledge that genocide was committed in 1994 in Rwanda
when the rest of the world would not apply such a label because they would then
have to intervene.
'Faces of Paul Kagame' - all photographs by Jennifer
Fierberg Salem-News.com
|
With the mountain of evidence against Paul Kagame and his
continuous crimes in the DR Congo over the last 17 years, including the most
recent reports by the UN Group of Experts it begs the question as to why the world
is covering for Kagame. What secrets does he hold that they don’t want
exposed?
DRC Congo - UN photo
|
The Eastern DR Congo is in absolute crisis with the population at
risk on a daily basis of death, displacement and rape. The Rwandan backed M23
rebels are terrorizing the region in a strategic fight for minerals and power.
The Rwandan Government vehemently denies any
and all accusations made in UN Group of Experts report yet continues to remain
silent when called upon to denounce the activities of the M23.
So, what poker hand is Kagame holding that the US
is willing to basically remain silent on the atrocities being committed in the
DR Congo?
Over 6 million lives have been lost and countless women have been
raped but yet all the US has done is to sanction inconsequential members of the Rwandan backed M23.
This move is laughable because it is a smoke screen of an attempt to show the
world the US government is concerned about the innocent lives of
the DRC.
In an attempt to take a bolder step, last week President Obama
made a phone call to President Kagame which in part stated,
“President Obama underscored that any support to the rebel group M23 is
inconsistent with Rwanda’s desire for stability and peace.” Obama
also made this same call to President Kabila of the DR Congo.
Rally for “Obama Law” or PL 109-456
|
None of these actions will stop Kagame. Sanctions must be placed
on the top Government officials of the Rwandan Government named in the Group of
Experts report to the UNSC in order to stop the atrocious acts continuously
being committed in the Eastern Congo.
President Obama needs to enforce his “Obama Law” or PL
109-456 which clearly states that “The Secretary of State is authorized to
withhold assistance made available under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22
U.S.C. 2151 et seq.), other than humanitarian, peacekeeping, and
counterterrorism assistance, for a foreign country if the Secretary determines
that the government of the foreign country is taking actions to destabilize the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.” This has been documented time and time again
in numerous reports yet the US government continues to give a free
pass to President Kagame.
What more evidence does the US government need? If
the US Government refuses to implement this bill and apply sanction to the
Government of Rwanda officials including but not limited to President Kagame,
then there is no question that, indeed, the US is in support of the
destabilization of the DR Congo, as this option seems to serve more its
strategic interests, and has turned its back on the Congolese innocent lives
suffering every day.
_________________________________
Jennifer Fierberg is a social worker in the US working on
peace and justice issues in Africa with an emphasis on the crisis in Rwanda and
throughout the central region of Africa. Her articles have been published on
many humanitarian sites that are also focused on changing the world through
social, political and personal action.
Jennifer has extensive background working with victims of
trauma and domestic violence, justice matters as well as individual and family
therapy. Passionate and focused on bringing the many humanitarian issues that
plague the African Continent to the awareness of the developed world in order to
incite change. She is a correspondent, Assistant Editor, and Volunteer
Coordinator for NGO News Africa through the volunteer project of the UN.
Jennifer was also the media co-coordinator and senior funding executive for The
Africa Global Village. You can write to Jennifer at jfierberg@ymail.com. Jennifer
comes to www.Salem-News.com with a great deal of experience and passion for
working to stop human right violation in Africa.
Rwanda’s Rampaging Rebel Force
Rwanda’s Rampaging Rebel Force
Despite supporting a brutal rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda is about to take a seat on the U.N. Security Council. Few countries dare challenge the Security Council the way Rwanda does; even fewer get away with it. Yet on Tuesday, despite backing an abusive rebel group that has attacked U.N. peacekeepers in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda will take a two-year seat on the council. At the famous horseshoe table, Rwanda will get to make life-and-death decisions on the future of countries crisisis ncluding the very neighbor it is accused of destabilizing.
How could this be? The facts came out in June, when a U.N. group of experts monitoring sanctions in eastern Congo published a report accusing Rwanda of supporting, as it had done before since the late 1990s, a Congolese rebellion this time named March 23. Even by Congolese standards, M23 has a sinister record: One of its leaders is Bosco Ntaganda, a fugitive from the International Criminal Court accused of war crimes, including murder, rape, sexual slavery and recruitment of child soldiers.
As our own research at Human Rights Watch confirmed, Rwandan Army officials were providing M23 with weapons, ammunition and hundreds of young Rwandan recruits, and even sending their troops into Congo to assist them. Despite Rwanda’s virulent denials, the diplomatic machinery kicked into gear, with the U.S. government making discreet efforts to encourage its Rwandan ally to use its “influence” to stop the violence.
But throughout the summer Rwandan support continued unabated, enabling M23 to do what its leaders know best: commit widespread crimes, including killing civilians and summarily executing boys who tried to escape recruitment. A 32-year-old woman from Chengerero told us that on July 7, M23 fighters broke down her door, beat her 15-year-old son to death and abducted her husband. Before leaving, they raped her, poured fuel between her legs and set her on fire. In Muchanga, a 15-year-old girl described being raped by an M23 fighter who stole the money for her school fees. The list goes on.
According to the U.N. experts’ report, M23’s de facto chain of command “culminates with the Rwandan Minister of Defense General James Kabarebe.” The experts concluded that in July Rwandan Defense Force commanders operated alongside M23 during operations that targeted a U.N. base in Kiwanja and killed a U.N. peacekeeper.
And yet the Security Council failed to put Rwanda on notice. Instead, on Oct. 18, benefiting from a practice of rotation among African countries, Rwanda ran unopposed for a Security Council seat, winning 148 votes among the 193 nations in the U.N. General Assembly. Even after M23 seized control of Goma, on the eastern border of Congo, in November, causing tens of thousands residents to flee in fear of their lives, the Security Council failed to confront Rwanda.
So how do you get away with arming a rebel force that attacks U.N. peacekeepers, rapes women and recruits children? You need powerful friends, and Rwanda has had one. Born from the guilt of the Clinton administration’s inaction in the face of the Rwandan genocide, and a recognition of Rwanda’s relatively efficient use of development aid, the United States has proven to be one of Kigali’s staunchest allies. When the interim report of the U.N. experts came out in June, it was widely alleged that the United States delayed its publication, arguing that Rwanda, which had been uncooperative, should be given time to respond. The Obama administration suspended $200,000 worth of military aid, but only under a legislative requirement, all the while undermining efforts at the United Nations to denounce Rwanda’s role in the crisis.
While other countries, such as Britain, were raising public pressure on Kigali, the United States was using all the diplomatic contortions in the book to avoid public censure of Rwanda’s support for M23. Finally, on Dec. 18, President Obama called on the Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, to end “any support” for M23. Although couched in diplomatic terms, the appeal, along with candid statements by U.S. diplomats, amounted to a recognition that “quiet” diplomacy had failed to curb M23’s abuses.
But as a grim new year is about to set on eastern Congo, the United States should go much further. On Jan. 1, it should greet Rwanda, its new fellow Security Council member, with long overdue sanctions against Rwandan officials complicit in M23 abuses, making clear that a seat at the table is no license to make a mockery of the council’s resolutions.
Only once Rwanda ceases supporting M23 will it be able to make a credible contribution to the lifesaving work of the Security Council, drawing on its own tragic history as a victim of genocide, and its experience as a troop contributor to peacekeeping operations.
U.S. Leaves Central African Republic Amid Security Woes
BANGUI, Central African Republic—Security concerns deepened in the capital of Central African Republic on Friday after the U.S. ambassador and his diplomatic team were evacuated out of the country by plane overnight amid fears rebels could try to take the capital.
U.S. officials said about 40 people were evacuated on a U.S. Air Force plane bound for Kenya. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to discuss the details of the operation.
The evacuation came after President François Bozizé on Thursday urgently called on former colonial ruler France and other foreign powers to help his government fend off rebels who are quickly seizing territory and approaching the capital.
The U.N.'s most powerful body condemned the recent violence and expressed concern about the developments.
"The members of the Security Council reiterate their demand that the armed groups immediately cease hostilities, withdraw from captured cities and cease any further advance towards the city of Bangui," the statement said.
Central African Republic has a history of violent change in government. The current president himself came to power nearly a decade ago in the wake of a rebellion in this resource-rich yet deeply poor country.
Speaking to crowds in Bangui, a city of some 600,000, Mr. Bozizé pleaded with foreign powers to do what they could. He pointed in particular to France, Central African Republic's former colonial ruler. About 200 French soldiers are already in the country, providing technical support and helping to train the local army, according to the French defense ministry.
"France has the means to stop (the rebels) but unfortunately they have done nothing for us until now," Mr. Bozizé said.
French President François Hollande said Thursday that France wants to protect its interests in Central African Republic and not Mr. Bozizé's government. The comments came a day after dozens of protesters, angry about a lack of help against rebel forces, threw rocks at the French Embassy in Bangui and stole a French flag.
Paris is encouraging peace talks between the government and the rebels, with the French Foreign Ministry noting in a statement that negotiations are due to "begin shortly in Libreville (Gabon)." But it wasn't immediately clear if any dates have been set for those talks.
French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius spoke via phone with Mr. Bozizé, asking the president to take responsibility for the safety of French nationals and diplomatic missions in Central African Republic.
Mr. Bozizé's government earlier reached out to longtime ally Chad, which pledged to send 2,000 troops to bolster Central African Republic's own forces.
This landlocked nation of some 4.4 million people has suffered decades of army revolts, coups and rebellions since gaining independence in 1960 and remains one of the poorest countries in the world.
The rebels behind the most recent instability signed a 2007 peace accord allowing them to join the regular army, but insurgent leaders say the deal wasn't fully implemented. The rebel forces have seized at least 10 towns across the sparsely populated north of the country, and residents in the capital now fear the insurgents could attack at any time, despite assurances by rebel leaders that they are willing to engage in dialogue instead of attacking Bangui.
The rebels have claimed that their actions are justified in light of the "thirst for justice, for peace, for security and for economic development of the people of Central African Republic."
Despite Central African Republic's wealth of gold, diamonds, timber and uranium, the government remains perpetually cash-strapped. Filip Hilgert, a researcher with Belgium-based International Peace Information Service, said rebel groups are unhappy because they feel the government doesn't invest in their areas.
"The main thing they say is that the north of the country, and especially in their case the northeast, has always been neglected by the central government in all ways," he said.
The rebels also are demanding that the government make payments to ex-combatants, suggesting that their motives may also be for personal financial gain.
François Bozizé appeals for help from France and other foreign powers in Bangui on Thursday.
The evacuation came after President François Bozizé on Thursday urgently called on former colonial ruler France and other foreign powers to help his government fend off rebels who are quickly seizing territory and approaching the capital.
The U.N.'s most powerful body condemned the recent violence and expressed concern about the developments.
"The members of the Security Council reiterate their demand that the armed groups immediately cease hostilities, withdraw from captured cities and cease any further advance towards the city of Bangui," the statement said.
Central African Republic has a history of violent change in government. The current president himself came to power nearly a decade ago in the wake of a rebellion in this resource-rich yet deeply poor country.
Speaking to crowds in Bangui, a city of some 600,000, Mr. Bozizé pleaded with foreign powers to do what they could. He pointed in particular to France, Central African Republic's former colonial ruler. About 200 French soldiers are already in the country, providing technical support and helping to train the local army, according to the French defense ministry.
"France has the means to stop (the rebels) but unfortunately they have done nothing for us until now," Mr. Bozizé said.
French President François Hollande said Thursday that France wants to protect its interests in Central African Republic and not Mr. Bozizé's government. The comments came a day after dozens of protesters, angry about a lack of help against rebel forces, threw rocks at the French Embassy in Bangui and stole a French flag.
Paris is encouraging peace talks between the government and the rebels, with the French Foreign Ministry noting in a statement that negotiations are due to "begin shortly in Libreville (Gabon)." But it wasn't immediately clear if any dates have been set for those talks.
French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius spoke via phone with Mr. Bozizé, asking the president to take responsibility for the safety of French nationals and diplomatic missions in Central African Republic.
Mr. Bozizé's government earlier reached out to longtime ally Chad, which pledged to send 2,000 troops to bolster Central African Republic's own forces.
This landlocked nation of some 4.4 million people has suffered decades of army revolts, coups and rebellions since gaining independence in 1960 and remains one of the poorest countries in the world.
The rebels behind the most recent instability signed a 2007 peace accord allowing them to join the regular army, but insurgent leaders say the deal wasn't fully implemented. The rebel forces have seized at least 10 towns across the sparsely populated north of the country, and residents in the capital now fear the insurgents could attack at any time, despite assurances by rebel leaders that they are willing to engage in dialogue instead of attacking Bangui.
The rebels have claimed that their actions are justified in light of the "thirst for justice, for peace, for security and for economic development of the people of Central African Republic."
Despite Central African Republic's wealth of gold, diamonds, timber and uranium, the government remains perpetually cash-strapped. Filip Hilgert, a researcher with Belgium-based International Peace Information Service, said rebel groups are unhappy because they feel the government doesn't invest in their areas.
"The main thing they say is that the north of the country, and especially in their case the northeast, has always been neglected by the central government in all ways," he said.
The rebels also are demanding that the government make payments to ex-combatants, suggesting that their motives may also be for personal financial gain.
DR Congo says presence of its troops in Central African Republic not linked to conflict
| Xinhua | 2012-12-28 15:33:09 By Agencies |
The presence of Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) troops in the Central African Republic is not related to the ongoing conflict in the latter nation, the Congolese government spokesman, Lambert Mende, said on Thursday.
Mende who is also the communication minister, issued the statement in Kinshasa following allegations by the Central African Republic's rebels that DR Congo had sent troops to their country to support the regime of President Francois Bozize.
"The Congolese troops have been in Bangui for the last three years under the auspices of the Central Africa Multinational Force (FOMAC)," Mende recalled.
He said that DR Congo was already experiencing the consequences of the Central African Republic's crisis, since it's currently hosting about 4,000 Central African Republic's refugees at Zongo in Equateur province.
"We are already preoccupied with providing assistance to these people who are fleeing from hostilities in their country," Mende affirmed.
A coalition of rebel groups in the Central African Republic, calling themselves Seleka, which have threatened to overthrow Bozize's regime, have accused Kinshasa of having sent troops to Bangui, via Zongo, under the auspices of FOMAC, to support Bozize's regime.
Mende who is also the communication minister, issued the statement in Kinshasa following allegations by the Central African Republic's rebels that DR Congo had sent troops to their country to support the regime of President Francois Bozize.
"The Congolese troops have been in Bangui for the last three years under the auspices of the Central Africa Multinational Force (FOMAC)," Mende recalled.
He said that DR Congo was already experiencing the consequences of the Central African Republic's crisis, since it's currently hosting about 4,000 Central African Republic's refugees at Zongo in Equateur province.
"We are already preoccupied with providing assistance to these people who are fleeing from hostilities in their country," Mende affirmed.
A coalition of rebel groups in the Central African Republic, calling themselves Seleka, which have threatened to overthrow Bozize's regime, have accused Kinshasa of having sent troops to Bangui, via Zongo, under the auspices of FOMAC, to support Bozize's regime.
Wednesday, December 26, 2012
Le Roi Albert II de Belgique dénonce les violations de l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC
Le Roi Albert II de Belgique dénonce les violations de l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC
Kinshasa, 26/12/2012 / Politique
Dans un discours télévisé à l’occasion des fêtes de fin d’année, le Roi des Belges Albert II a évoqué le drame de la guerre au Nord-Kivu, pour dénoncer le non respect de l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC, allusion nettement faite à l’agression des groupes armés soutenus ouvertement par le Rwanda
Le Roi des Belges, Albert II, a dénoncé, dans un discours télévisé prononcé lundi, à l’occasion des fêtes de Noël et de Nouvel an 2013, la violation de l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC et la recrudescence des violences qui s’y déroulent. « Je suis consterné de voir que les drames des populations dans l’Est du Congo se poursuivent, avec tant de violences et de réfugiés, et que l’intégrité du territoire congolais n’est pas respectée », a-t-il déclaré.Le souverain belge s’est dit également indigné de l’agression contre le docteur Denis Mukwege, responsable, de l’hôpital de Pangi par des hommes armés, en octobre dernier dans la ville de Bukavu dans la province du Sud Kivu. « La récente tentative d’assassinat du Docteur Mukwege, qui soulage les souffrances de tant de femmes dans cette région et qui a reçu, il y a deux ans le Prix Roi Baudouin, illustre de façon dramatique cette tragédie », a souligné le Roi, précisant que tous ces développements ne peuvent nous laisser indifférents ».
Le docteur Mukwege a trouvé refuge en Belgique en octobre 2012 après une agression dont il a été victime de la part des hommes armés. En novembre dernier, il a laissé entendre qu’il rentrerait en RDC le plus tôt possible dès qu’il y aura une sécurité suffisante ». Le discours du Roi des Belges, au cours duquel la RDC, ancienne colonie belge, a été le seul pays hors Europe évoqué par Albert II, intervient au moment où les discussions entre les rebelles du M23 et le gouvernement congolais entamées à Kampala au début du mois de décembre sont suspendues en raison des fêtes de fin d’année.
L’Est de la RDC est en proie à la rébellion du M23 depuis le mois de mai dernier. Plusieurs rapports des Nations Unies accusent le Rwanda et l’Ouganda de soutenir ces rebelles qui se seraient rendus coupables de plusieurs exactions contre les populations civiles.
USA can help Rwanda to get a true democracy and Congo will be stable.
USA should
take a leading role in resolving Congo war. As we know today war in Congo is already killed more than five million people and more people continue to die. The solution of Congo
should be found in Rwanda. Rwanda is the main cause of what is happening in
Congo and the government of Kigali should be held responsible of Genocide committed
against Congolese people. Democracy in Rwanda can help Congo to become stable. USA
can help Rwanda people to achieve a true democracy by stopping all aid given to
Kagame regime. Rwanda today is led by a dictator President Paul Kagame who do
not allow his people to speak freely and who had stolen election by preventing
opposition leader Victoire Ingabire to run for president during election and
put her in jail. Rwanda army should be reorganized because now the army is
serving one person only President Kagame instead serving Rwandan people. Rwandan
people want democracy and they cannot speak freely and under current regime
they are oppressed and who ever tries to speak out is killed or put in prison. International
community should stop giving Kagame a free pass in Congo and starts to hold Kagame
accountable of crimes he is committing in Congo and crimes he committed in
Rwanda. USA should demand Kagame to negotiate with its opponents, if Rwanda
finds away to democracy and Congo problem will be easier to solve.
L'opposant Vital Kamerhe "se porte bien" après un accident de la route à Kinshasa
L'opposant Vital Kamerhe "se porte bien" après un accident de la route à
Kinshasa
L'un des principaux dirigeants
de l'opposition congolaise, Vital Kamerhe, "se porte bien" après l'accident de
la route dont sa voiture a été victime mercredi à Kinshasa, a annoncé jeudi son
parti, l'Union pour la Nation congolaise (UNC).
"La cellule de communication de l'UNC tient à dissiper les rumeurs consécutives à l'accident de circulation qu'a connu ce mercredi 12 décembre 2012 le président Vital Kamerhe aux environs du camp Luano sur l'avenue Nguma à Kinshasa" dans la commune de Ngaliema, a indiqué, photos de la voiture endommagée à l'appui, le parti dans un communiqué reçu à Bruxelles. En dehors des dommages sur les véhicules rentrés en collision, M. Kamerhe et ses enfants qui étaient avec lui dans sa jeep Mitsubishi "se portent bien", a ajouté l'UNC. "Nous rendons grâce à Dieu, le Vaillant Protecteur", conclut le communiqué.
M. Kamerhe est un ancien proche du président congolais Joseph Kabila qui en avait fait le président de l'Assemblée nationale. Mais il est tombé en disgrâce début 2009 pour avoir critiqué le recours à des troupes rwandaises pour traquer en RDC les rebelles hutus rwandais des Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR). Originaire de Bukavu, au Sud-Kivu (est), et candidat à l'élection présidentielle du 28 novembre 2011 - aux résultats contestés -, il était arrivé en troisième position, avec 7,54% des voix, derrière M. Kabila avec 48,95% des suffrages et l'opposant historique Etienne Tshisekedi (32,33%).
L'un des principaux dirigeants
de l'opposition congolaise, Vital Kamerhe, "se porte bien" après l'accident de
la route dont sa voiture a été victime mercredi à Kinshasa, a annoncé jeudi son
parti, l'Union pour la Nation congolaise (UNC).
"La cellule de communication de l'UNC tient à dissiper les rumeurs consécutives à l'accident de circulation qu'a connu ce mercredi 12 décembre 2012 le président Vital Kamerhe aux environs du camp Luano sur l'avenue Nguma à Kinshasa" dans la commune de Ngaliema, a indiqué, photos de la voiture endommagée à l'appui, le parti dans un communiqué reçu à Bruxelles. En dehors des dommages sur les véhicules rentrés en collision, M. Kamerhe et ses enfants qui étaient avec lui dans sa jeep Mitsubishi "se portent bien", a ajouté l'UNC. "Nous rendons grâce à Dieu, le Vaillant Protecteur", conclut le communiqué.
M. Kamerhe est un ancien proche du président congolais Joseph Kabila qui en avait fait le président de l'Assemblée nationale. Mais il est tombé en disgrâce début 2009 pour avoir critiqué le recours à des troupes rwandaises pour traquer en RDC les rebelles hutus rwandais des Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR). Originaire de Bukavu, au Sud-Kivu (est), et candidat à l'élection présidentielle du 28 novembre 2011 - aux résultats contestés -, il était arrivé en troisième position, avec 7,54% des voix, derrière M. Kabila avec 48,95% des suffrages et l'opposant historique Etienne Tshisekedi (32,33%).
Monday, December 24, 2012
MONUSCO demobilize ex-FDLR soldiers, Rwanda redeploys them to join M23
MONUSCO demobilize ex-FDLR soldiers, Rwanda redeploys them to join M23
MONUSCO patrolling streets of Goma
Many people are strongly convinced that the problem of insecurity in the Great Lakes region, and particularly in Democratic Republic of Congo, is not due to rebel movements, whatever number there is presently, but dictatorships in Kigali and Kampala who need them to perpetuate themselves into power. The revelations below which are extracted from the UN Group of Experts Addendum published on 27 June 2012 are loudly telling. And they raise critical questions on the whole rationale of having militia and rebel forces operating in DRC demobilised, when they can be redeployed in the same manner by the culprit regimes.
Demobilized ex-FDLR
Several sources confirmed to the group of UN experts that Rwanda was remobilising ex-combatants for sending them in DRC to support M23.
“20. The RDF has also deployed demobilized former FDLR combatants to reinforce M23. According to several former senior FDLR officers, all former combatants of Rwandan armed groups, upon completion of the Rwandan Demobilization and Reintegration Commission’s programme, are automatically enrolled in the RDF Reserve Force, commanded by General Fred Ibingira. As members of the Reserve Force, they can be ordered to deploy on behalf of the RDF on short notice. Former RDF officers and politicians and M23 collaborators indicated that ex-FDLR combatants from within the RDF Reserve Force have been remobilized and deployed to Runyoni alongside M23. Active FDLR officers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo also confirmed this remobilization of previously repatriated FDLR combatants. According to Rwandan former M23 combatants who escaped from Runyoni, small groups of former demobilized combatants arrive every day and are dispatched between the various M23 positions.”
Rwandan Reserve Force is reported to be the ground for recruitment of demobilised ex-FDLR
“21. The Group interviewed two former FDLR, who had previously been demobilized in Rwanda and were sent to Runyoni in May 2012. Both belonged to the Reserve Force. One was deployed after being called by RDF officers, while the other was invited to join a meeting with other demobilized soldiers when he was instructed to depart for military service. Both were taken to the military base at Kinigi, where they received weapons and ammunition, and were escorted to Runyoni in the same way as the civilian recruits. Both testified that they had been sent to Runyoni in a group with 70 other people, among whom 31 were demobilized soldiers. Upon arrival, they saw 11 other demobilized soldiers at Chanzu (see S/2012/348, para. 123).”
M23 has also been vigorously recruiting locals for engagement in combat. The report indicates that:
“123. Two other escapees told the Group that they had been caught while attempting to flee combats in Masisi at the end of April, forced to carry military equipment to their military positions and then forced to join the ranks of the mutineers. One of the witnesses had been forced to carry the luggage of military soldiers under the command of Col. Ngaruye and Col. Karangwa until their position, where he had seen 12 other men who had been recruited in the same way. Another civilian stated that he had been recruited by the mutineers in Kirolirwe, together with eight other men, forced to carry ammunition boxes, then to engage in combat for M23 at Runyoni. FARDC officers, surrendered mutineers and local leaders reported that the mutineers had continued to recruit in Runyoni. Civilians from the village of Chanzu reported that Gen. Ntaganda and Col. Makenga had carried out sensitization meetings in which they had encouraged the population to provide recruits to the movement. According to surrendered combatants, M23 was training those new recruits in Chanzu.”
We have been recently pointing out that inside Rwanda as well there were security related operations which were, according to sources in the country, feeding M23 with new recruits.
Victoire Ingabire, une victime courageuse?
Victoire Ingabire, condamnée à 8 ans de prison par une cour pénale rwandaise, n’est pas une Aung San Suu Kyi transposée de Birmanie au Rwanda. Par l’avocat Nils de Dardel
Victoire Ingabire, condamnée à 8 ans de prison par une cour pénale rwandaise, n’est pas une Aung San Suu Kyi transposée de Birmanie au Rwanda.
Le groupe politique dont Victoire Ingabire est la présidente est composé de Rwandais nostalgiques du régime génocidaire qui a dirigé le Rwanda jusqu’en juillet 1994, date à laquelle le FPR de Paul Kagamé a mis un terme au massacre. Le groupe politique de Victoire Ingabire n’a pas d’implantation au Rwanda lui-même, mais il est représentatif d’une nébuleuse très active en Occident, composée de Rwandais qui ont souvent participé au génocide et qui entretiennent une haine farouche du nouveau Rwanda. Victoire Ingabire et ses partisans prétendent qu’il y aurait eu, en 1994, deux génocides: l’un commis contre les Tutsis, l’autre commis contre les Hutus.
Or, la théorie du «double génocide» est une pure fiction révisionniste. Le génocide de 1994 est unilatéral, il a été commis par un régime totalitaire et raciste (Hutu power), qui a entraîné le massacre d’un million de Tutsis (en très grande majorité) et de Hutus modérés (une faible minorité de victimes qui refusaient de participer aux crimes). L’existence d’un seul génocide est admise comme une évidence par tous les historiens et par le Tribunal pénal international d’Arusha.
Lorsque Victoire Ingabire rejoint le Rwanda en 2010 alors qu’elle l’a quitté 17 ans plus tôt, son premier geste est de se rendre à l’emblématique mémorial de Gisozi à Kigali. Elle y prononce une allocution qui reproduit la théorie du «double génocide». Elle porte ainsi un outrage insupportable à la mémoire des dizaines de milliers de victimes inhumées à l’endroit même où elle parle.
Le droit international prévoit que la minimisation d’un génocide est un délit pénal. Le droit suisse a repris cette règle. Le Rwanda applique donc une règle pénale internationale, il est vrai avec sévérité. Mais celle-ci est justifiée par le traumatisme hors de toute proportion subi en 1994, dont les effets politiques et sociaux ne peuvent pas s’effacer même en 15 ans. Au Rwanda, cette rigueur est d’autant plus nécessaire que les victimes survivantes doivent aujourd’hui vivre aux côtés des bourreaux qui, avec l’écoulement du temps, sortent de prison.
Des experts de l’ONU, dans un rapport de 2009, avaient déjà évoqué les liens de Victoire Ingabire avec le FDLR, la force militaire qui a succédé à l’armée et aux milices du génocide. Le FDLR, installé au Kivu voisin, s’est fixé pour but de renverser par la guerre le régime de Kigali. Il ravage le Kivu et sa population par sa violence, ses viols et ses massacres, non sans s’accaparer une bonne partie de la production du coltan. Or, la justice rwandaise a obtenu des témoignages et des documents (perquisitions aux Pays-Bas) qui démontrent la collaboration de Victoire Ingabire avec le FDLR. Il y avait donc de bonnes raisons de poursuivre Victoire Ingabire pour collaboration avec une organisation terroriste.
Au vu de ces circonstances, la peine de 8 ans de prison infligée à Victoire Ingabire apparaît comme excessivement modérée à l’opinion publique rwandaise. Dans tous les cas, cette condamnation ne permet ni de considérer que les autorités rwandaises écrasent injustement une opposante politique, ni d’admettre que Victoire Ingabire serait une victime courageuse digne de la moindre estime.
Victoire Ingabire, condamnée à 8 ans de prison par une cour pénale rwandaise, n’est pas une Aung San Suu Kyi transposée de Birmanie au Rwanda.
Le groupe politique dont Victoire Ingabire est la présidente est composé de Rwandais nostalgiques du régime génocidaire qui a dirigé le Rwanda jusqu’en juillet 1994, date à laquelle le FPR de Paul Kagamé a mis un terme au massacre. Le groupe politique de Victoire Ingabire n’a pas d’implantation au Rwanda lui-même, mais il est représentatif d’une nébuleuse très active en Occident, composée de Rwandais qui ont souvent participé au génocide et qui entretiennent une haine farouche du nouveau Rwanda. Victoire Ingabire et ses partisans prétendent qu’il y aurait eu, en 1994, deux génocides: l’un commis contre les Tutsis, l’autre commis contre les Hutus.
Or, la théorie du «double génocide» est une pure fiction révisionniste. Le génocide de 1994 est unilatéral, il a été commis par un régime totalitaire et raciste (Hutu power), qui a entraîné le massacre d’un million de Tutsis (en très grande majorité) et de Hutus modérés (une faible minorité de victimes qui refusaient de participer aux crimes). L’existence d’un seul génocide est admise comme une évidence par tous les historiens et par le Tribunal pénal international d’Arusha.
Lorsque Victoire Ingabire rejoint le Rwanda en 2010 alors qu’elle l’a quitté 17 ans plus tôt, son premier geste est de se rendre à l’emblématique mémorial de Gisozi à Kigali. Elle y prononce une allocution qui reproduit la théorie du «double génocide». Elle porte ainsi un outrage insupportable à la mémoire des dizaines de milliers de victimes inhumées à l’endroit même où elle parle.
Le droit international prévoit que la minimisation d’un génocide est un délit pénal. Le droit suisse a repris cette règle. Le Rwanda applique donc une règle pénale internationale, il est vrai avec sévérité. Mais celle-ci est justifiée par le traumatisme hors de toute proportion subi en 1994, dont les effets politiques et sociaux ne peuvent pas s’effacer même en 15 ans. Au Rwanda, cette rigueur est d’autant plus nécessaire que les victimes survivantes doivent aujourd’hui vivre aux côtés des bourreaux qui, avec l’écoulement du temps, sortent de prison.
Des experts de l’ONU, dans un rapport de 2009, avaient déjà évoqué les liens de Victoire Ingabire avec le FDLR, la force militaire qui a succédé à l’armée et aux milices du génocide. Le FDLR, installé au Kivu voisin, s’est fixé pour but de renverser par la guerre le régime de Kigali. Il ravage le Kivu et sa population par sa violence, ses viols et ses massacres, non sans s’accaparer une bonne partie de la production du coltan. Or, la justice rwandaise a obtenu des témoignages et des documents (perquisitions aux Pays-Bas) qui démontrent la collaboration de Victoire Ingabire avec le FDLR. Il y avait donc de bonnes raisons de poursuivre Victoire Ingabire pour collaboration avec une organisation terroriste.
Au vu de ces circonstances, la peine de 8 ans de prison infligée à Victoire Ingabire apparaît comme excessivement modérée à l’opinion publique rwandaise. Dans tous les cas, cette condamnation ne permet ni de considérer que les autorités rwandaises écrasent injustement une opposante politique, ni d’admettre que Victoire Ingabire serait une victime courageuse digne de la moindre estime.
U.N. force in Congo, MONUSCO, criticized as ineffective
GOMA, Congo — These days, the U.N. force deployed to protect the city's population from rampant militias is not particularly popular.
Residents complain that the peacekeepers last month should have prevented Rwanda-backed M23 rebels from taking over the largest city in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Some even assert that their country would be better off without the international force, known as MONUSCO, which at $1.4 billion a year is the U.N.'s most expensive peacekeeping mission, and the most controversial.
Residents complain that the peacekeepers last month should have prevented Rwanda-backed M23 rebels from taking over the largest city in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Some even assert that their country would be better off without the international force, known as MONUSCO, which at $1.4 billion a year is the U.N.'s most expensive peacekeeping mission, and the most controversial.
Sunday, December 23, 2012
An Envoy for Congo
Ben Affleck appeared on CBS’s Face the Nation today to raise awareness about the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which, at more than 4 million dead, is the most deadly conflict since World War II and a human tragedy of immense proportions. When asked by the host what course of action the United States might take, Affleck answered, “The main thing that I’d ask the Congress to do is to appoint a high-level, presidential-level envoy, temporary envoy, to the region. That would involve somebody who really has the ear of the president of the United States and the authority that comes with that . . .”
Since he might like someone else who, in addition to the above, will soon be out of a job and has an established cordial relationship with key regional actors, such as Rwanda’s Paul Kagame, the DRC’s Laurent Kabila, and Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, might we suggest Susan Rice?U.S. under pressure over Rwanda involvement in Congo fighting
U.S. under pressure over Rwanda involvement in Congo fighting
As evidence mounts of Rwandan backing of eastern Congo rebels, pressure is on the U.S. to cut aid for the regime.
A youth identified as a 16-year-old corporal in the Rwandan armed forces sits with other prisoners in Kinshasha, capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The government accuses Rwanda of supporting rebels fighting in eastern Congo. (Junior D. Kannah / AFP/Getty Images / December 11, 2012)
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GOMA, Congo — It was not the bullet lodged in the officer's gut, or the botched operation he'd had in a field hospital, that made the case so difficult for doctors in a Goma hospital.
It was trying to save the life of a Rwandan officer injured in the recent Congolese battle for the eastern city when Rwanda's government insisted it wasn't involved in the Goma fighting.
Doctors were convinced the officer would die if he wasn't sent home to Rwanda, where he could get better medical care.
"His family in the military in Rwanda came and took him from here," Dr. Jo Lusi, founder of the Heal Africa Hospital, said in an interview last month. He said the hospital treats wounded people from all military groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The move apparently infuriated the Rwandan military. "They said, 'Why did you allow this [officer] to go to Rwanda? If you take back wounded to Rwanda, it's like proof,' " Lusi said. The Rwandan government has long denied it is supporting rebels in eastern Congo, its neighbor.
That assertion conflicts with the reports of outside observers. A November report by United Nations experts on the conflict in eastern Congo said Rwandan authorities had frequently facilitated the evacuation of casualties to Rwanda. It accused the regime of Rwandan President Paul Kagame of arming and commanding a group known as M23, associated with war crimes suspect Bosco Ntaganda. The British government said it had "compelling" evidence of such a link.
"The government of Rwanda continues to violate the [U.N.] arms embargo by providing direct military support to the M23 rebels, facilitating recruitment, encouraging and facilitating desertions from the armed forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and providing arms, ammunition, intelligence and political advice," the report says. "The de facto chain of command of M23 includes Gen. Bosco Ntaganda and culminates with the minister of defense of Rwanda, Gen. James Kabarebe."
Analysts say that without Rwandan forces, M23 would not have made its recent territorial gains. In a report leaked this month, the U.N. experts alleged that Rwandan forces took part in M23's October attack and capture of Goma.
"If it was difficult before, now it is almost impossible to justify this belligerence from Kagame's government," Congo analyst Jason Stearns said in a recent article in Foreign Policy magazine.
Critics and human rights groups have criticized the Obama administration's support for Rwanda despite evidence of chronic interference in Congo, where conflicts have killed more than 5 million people. However, there are signs of change in Washington's position. President Obama called Kagame this week and asked him to end support for any rebel groups in Congo, according to a White House statement.
Rebels tied to M23 have perpetrated atrocities and human rights abuses, including recruitment of child soldiers, among them girls, the burning of houses and the killing of hundreds of people in ethnically motivated attacks, according to Human Rights Watch and the U.N. report. Dozens of forced recruits and prisoners of war were executed by M23, the report alleges.
Human Rights Watch also reported in September that M23 rebels were involved in killings, rape and forced recruitment of child soldiers, and summary executions of men and boys who tried to escape forced recruitment. The group has called for sanctions against Rwandan officials it says are responsible for backing the movement.
Human rights advocates have strongly criticized Susan E. Rice, American ambassador to the U.N., saying she was among those most responsible for America's support for a government that continues to fuel the Congolese conflict.
Rice, who is close to Kagame, met with British and French diplomats in New York in October to discuss the crisis in eastern Congo, according to another article in Foreign Policy magazine last month. She also strongly opposed a push by France's U.N. ambassador, Gerard Araud, for the U.N. to implicate Rwanda as a supporter of the rebels and hold up the threat of sanctions, according to the article.
"Gerard, it's eastern Congo," Rice said, according to the article. "If it were not the M23 killing people, it would be some other armed groups."
America has long held that it's better to work with Kagame than to alienate him with sanctions, but critics see the chronic fighting in eastern Congo as proof that protecting the Rwandan president from international censure hasn't worked. Obama made his call a week after 15 prominent think tanks and rights organizations wrote him saying that the policy of quiet diplomacy had failed to stop Rwanda from incursions into eastern Congo and support for rebel groups.
The U.N. Security Council has condemned M23 and issued sanctions against its Congolese leaders, including Ntaganda. Last month the council said further sanctions against M23 and its supporters would be considered — without naming Rwanda. Analysts accuse Rice of delaying the release of the U.N. report on the conflict and intervening to prevent a council resolution on the Congo crisis from naming Rwanda.
An October report by the International Crisis Group, a think tank, called on the international community to suspend assistance to Rwanda, which relies on foreign aid to support its budget, and to consider a weapons embargo against it.
The British government last month cut aid to Rwanda, citing evidence that the regime in Kigali, the capital, backed the M23 rebellion. The U.S. has also cut some military aid, but it continues to provide substantial assistance.
In June, Human Rights Watch reported that 200 to 300 Rwandans were recruited in their homeland in April and May and taken across the border to fight alongside M23 forces. "Rwandan military officials have continued to recruit by force or under false pretenses young men and boys, including under the age of 15, in Rwanda to augment the M23's ranks. Recruitment of children under age 15 is a war crime and contravenes Rwandan law," it said in a later report, in September.
Rice's intervention to protect Rwanda left Kagame's government confident that international criticism would be minimal, according to a Rwandan official quoted in Stearns' article.
"The question is not whether Rwanda is the Beelzebub or the savior of Central Africa; it is neither," Stearns wrote. "But given the gravity of the crisis, and the significant support the United States was providing to the Rwandan government, simply giving Kigali a pass for repeated mass abuses was unacceptable and sent the wrong signal."
It was trying to save the life of a Rwandan officer injured in the recent Congolese battle for the eastern city when Rwanda's government insisted it wasn't involved in the Goma fighting.
Doctors were convinced the officer would die if he wasn't sent home to Rwanda, where he could get better medical care.
"His family in the military in Rwanda came and took him from here," Dr. Jo Lusi, founder of the Heal Africa Hospital, said in an interview last month. He said the hospital treats wounded people from all military groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The move apparently infuriated the Rwandan military. "They said, 'Why did you allow this [officer] to go to Rwanda? If you take back wounded to Rwanda, it's like proof,' " Lusi said. The Rwandan government has long denied it is supporting rebels in eastern Congo, its neighbor.
That assertion conflicts with the reports of outside observers. A November report by United Nations experts on the conflict in eastern Congo said Rwandan authorities had frequently facilitated the evacuation of casualties to Rwanda. It accused the regime of Rwandan President Paul Kagame of arming and commanding a group known as M23, associated with war crimes suspect Bosco Ntaganda. The British government said it had "compelling" evidence of such a link.
"The government of Rwanda continues to violate the [U.N.] arms embargo by providing direct military support to the M23 rebels, facilitating recruitment, encouraging and facilitating desertions from the armed forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and providing arms, ammunition, intelligence and political advice," the report says. "The de facto chain of command of M23 includes Gen. Bosco Ntaganda and culminates with the minister of defense of Rwanda, Gen. James Kabarebe."
Analysts say that without Rwandan forces, M23 would not have made its recent territorial gains. In a report leaked this month, the U.N. experts alleged that Rwandan forces took part in M23's October attack and capture of Goma.
"If it was difficult before, now it is almost impossible to justify this belligerence from Kagame's government," Congo analyst Jason Stearns said in a recent article in Foreign Policy magazine.
Critics and human rights groups have criticized the Obama administration's support for Rwanda despite evidence of chronic interference in Congo, where conflicts have killed more than 5 million people. However, there are signs of change in Washington's position. President Obama called Kagame this week and asked him to end support for any rebel groups in Congo, according to a White House statement.
Rebels tied to M23 have perpetrated atrocities and human rights abuses, including recruitment of child soldiers, among them girls, the burning of houses and the killing of hundreds of people in ethnically motivated attacks, according to Human Rights Watch and the U.N. report. Dozens of forced recruits and prisoners of war were executed by M23, the report alleges.
Human Rights Watch also reported in September that M23 rebels were involved in killings, rape and forced recruitment of child soldiers, and summary executions of men and boys who tried to escape forced recruitment. The group has called for sanctions against Rwandan officials it says are responsible for backing the movement.
Human rights advocates have strongly criticized Susan E. Rice, American ambassador to the U.N., saying she was among those most responsible for America's support for a government that continues to fuel the Congolese conflict.
Rice, who is close to Kagame, met with British and French diplomats in New York in October to discuss the crisis in eastern Congo, according to another article in Foreign Policy magazine last month. She also strongly opposed a push by France's U.N. ambassador, Gerard Araud, for the U.N. to implicate Rwanda as a supporter of the rebels and hold up the threat of sanctions, according to the article.
"Gerard, it's eastern Congo," Rice said, according to the article. "If it were not the M23 killing people, it would be some other armed groups."
America has long held that it's better to work with Kagame than to alienate him with sanctions, but critics see the chronic fighting in eastern Congo as proof that protecting the Rwandan president from international censure hasn't worked. Obama made his call a week after 15 prominent think tanks and rights organizations wrote him saying that the policy of quiet diplomacy had failed to stop Rwanda from incursions into eastern Congo and support for rebel groups.
The U.N. Security Council has condemned M23 and issued sanctions against its Congolese leaders, including Ntaganda. Last month the council said further sanctions against M23 and its supporters would be considered — without naming Rwanda. Analysts accuse Rice of delaying the release of the U.N. report on the conflict and intervening to prevent a council resolution on the Congo crisis from naming Rwanda.
An October report by the International Crisis Group, a think tank, called on the international community to suspend assistance to Rwanda, which relies on foreign aid to support its budget, and to consider a weapons embargo against it.
The British government last month cut aid to Rwanda, citing evidence that the regime in Kigali, the capital, backed the M23 rebellion. The U.S. has also cut some military aid, but it continues to provide substantial assistance.
In June, Human Rights Watch reported that 200 to 300 Rwandans were recruited in their homeland in April and May and taken across the border to fight alongside M23 forces. "Rwandan military officials have continued to recruit by force or under false pretenses young men and boys, including under the age of 15, in Rwanda to augment the M23's ranks. Recruitment of children under age 15 is a war crime and contravenes Rwandan law," it said in a later report, in September.
Rice's intervention to protect Rwanda left Kagame's government confident that international criticism would be minimal, according to a Rwandan official quoted in Stearns' article.
"The question is not whether Rwanda is the Beelzebub or the savior of Central Africa; it is neither," Stearns wrote. "But given the gravity of the crisis, and the significant support the United States was providing to the Rwandan government, simply giving Kigali a pass for repeated mass abuses was unacceptable and sent the wrong signal."
Thursday, December 20, 2012
DR Congo robbers arrested in Rwanda, UN says
DR Congo robbers arrested in Rwanda, UN says
Three men who allegedly stole about
$1m (£614,000) in a Congolese city have been arrested in neighbouring Rwanda, a
UN official has said.
Jacques Desillets said the suspects were accused of attacking a vehicle taking the money to a bank in Goma, the main city in eastern DR Congo.
Two people were killed and another two were wounded in the robbery, he said.
There was a mass escape from a jail in Goma when it was under rebel control last month, Mr Desillets added.
Nearly 1,000 prisoners were still at large, he said.
Mr Desillets, the deputy police commissioner for the UN peacekeeping force in DR Congo known as Monusco, told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme that Congolese police had asked their Rwandan counterparts to extradite the suspects.
He did not have further details about their discussions, he said.
'Walked to Rwanda'
Mr Desillets said the robbery took place in "broad daylight" on Tuesday, when gunmen opened fire on a vehicle transporting the money from the airport on the outskirts of Goma to a bank in the city.
Continue reading the main story
“Start Quote
End Quote Jacques Desillets UN DR Congo officialThere is a lot of criminal activity going on, unfortunately”
The driver was killed, along with "someone else sitting
at his desk right near" the road after being hit by a stray bullet, he added.
Two other people in the vehicle were wounded, Mr Desillets said.
He said that after stealing the money, the robbers had sped off in their own vehicle towards the Rwandan border.
"Just before they arrived at the border, they dropped off the vehicle and just walked across to Rwanda with the money," Mr Desillets added.
"The information we have received today [Wednesday] is that the Rwandan authorities would have intercepted the three suspects, presumably would have recovered the money and communication is going on between Congolese and Rwandese police as far as extradition is concerned."
The M23 rebel group, made up of deserters from the army, captured Goma from government and UN troops last month.
It later withdrew from the city, following widespread international condemnation and pressure from the Rwandan and Ugandan governments.
The UN and DR Congo government accuse Rwanda and Uganda of backing the rebels, an allegation they strongly deny.
Mr Desilletts said he did not know who the robbers were.
"There is a lot of criminal activity going on, unfortunately.... Monusco is doing everything they can [to restore order]," he added.
Wednesday, December 19, 2012
Ben Affleck calls for stronger US leadership in Congo
Ben Affleck testifies before Congress on Congo Dec. 19, 2012
Ben Affleck testifies before Congress on Congo Dec. 19, 2012Obama Tells Kagame to Stop Support for M23 Rebels in Eastern Congo
News Agency - December 19, 2012
U.S. President Barack Obama told Rwandan President Paul Kagame on Tuesday to stop all support for the M23 rebels wreaking havoc in eastern Congo.
During a phone call, Mr. Obama warned Mr. Kagame that “any support to the rebel group M23 is inconsistent with Rwanda’s desire for stability and peace,” the White House said in a statement.
Supported in men, weapons and ammunitions by Rwanda, the M23 rebels have engaged in a campaign of terror in eastern DR Congo since they started their rebellion in April.
On November 20, the M23 rebels captured the city of Goma but withdrew two weeks later after coming under increased pressure from regional and international leaders. The Congolese government has been holding talks with the rebels in Kampala, Uganda.
Human Rights groups and the United Nations have accused the rebels of widespread abuses, including rapes, the use of child soldiers, kidnappings, targeted assassinations and summary executions.
Hundreds of thousands of civilians have fled their homes because of the M23 rebellion.
The White House said that Mr. Obama stressed to Mr. Kagame “the importance of permanently ending all support to armed groups in the DRC, abiding by the recent commitments he made... and reaching a transparent and credible political agreement that includes an end to impunity for M23 commanders and others” involved in rights abuses.
On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of the Treasury added two more M23 leaders on its sanctions list, saying in a statement that the M23 “has been responsible for carrying out extensive atrocities against the civilian population of the DRC, and its activities have dramatically undermined peace efforts in the region.”
The M23 rebels claim they rebelled because the Congolese government failed to implement a peace agreement signed in 2009.
Many analysts believe the true motives for their rebellion are the desire of Rwandan officials to control regions of eastern Congo rich in mineral resources and to protect M23 commander Bosco Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges.
The White House statement said Mr. Obama “expressed his belief that from this crisis should emerge a political agreement that addresses the underlying regional security, economic, and governance issues while upholding the DRC’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Despite mounting evidence to the contrary, the Rwandan government has repeatedly denied any support to the M23 rebels, even to the point of ridicule.
A U.N. Group of Experts monitoring sanctions imposed on armed groups in DR Congo has said that Rwanda’s Defense Minister James Kabarebe is the de facto commander of the M23.
The United Kingdom has followed other donor countries, including the United States, by suspending its aid to Rwanda citing “credible and compelling” evidence of its support to the M23 rebels.
U.S. President Barack Obama on the phone in the White House Oval Office in 2010 © White House | Enlarge
During a phone call, Mr. Obama warned Mr. Kagame that “any support to the rebel group M23 is inconsistent with Rwanda’s desire for stability and peace,” the White House said in a statement.
Supported in men, weapons and ammunitions by Rwanda, the M23 rebels have engaged in a campaign of terror in eastern DR Congo since they started their rebellion in April.
On November 20, the M23 rebels captured the city of Goma but withdrew two weeks later after coming under increased pressure from regional and international leaders. The Congolese government has been holding talks with the rebels in Kampala, Uganda.
Human Rights groups and the United Nations have accused the rebels of widespread abuses, including rapes, the use of child soldiers, kidnappings, targeted assassinations and summary executions.
Hundreds of thousands of civilians have fled their homes because of the M23 rebellion.
The White House said that Mr. Obama stressed to Mr. Kagame “the importance of permanently ending all support to armed groups in the DRC, abiding by the recent commitments he made... and reaching a transparent and credible political agreement that includes an end to impunity for M23 commanders and others” involved in rights abuses.
On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of the Treasury added two more M23 leaders on its sanctions list, saying in a statement that the M23 “has been responsible for carrying out extensive atrocities against the civilian population of the DRC, and its activities have dramatically undermined peace efforts in the region.”
The M23 rebels claim they rebelled because the Congolese government failed to implement a peace agreement signed in 2009.
Many analysts believe the true motives for their rebellion are the desire of Rwandan officials to control regions of eastern Congo rich in mineral resources and to protect M23 commander Bosco Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges.
The White House statement said Mr. Obama “expressed his belief that from this crisis should emerge a political agreement that addresses the underlying regional security, economic, and governance issues while upholding the DRC’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Despite mounting evidence to the contrary, the Rwandan government has repeatedly denied any support to the M23 rebels, even to the point of ridicule.
A U.N. Group of Experts monitoring sanctions imposed on armed groups in DR Congo has said that Rwanda’s Defense Minister James Kabarebe is the de facto commander of the M23.
The United Kingdom has followed other donor countries, including the United States, by suspending its aid to Rwanda citing “credible and compelling” evidence of its support to the M23 rebels.
Obama urges Rwandan president to stop support for M23 rebels in Congo
US president tells Paul Kagame that backing rebel group in eastern Congo is 'inconsistent with desire for stability and peace'
The US has been accused of turning a blind eye to Rwandan president Paul Kagame's meddling in neighbouring DR Congo. Photograph: Tony Karumba/AFP/Getty
Barack Obama has urged the Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, to halt support for rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, a move welcomed by critics of Kagame's government.
The United States, and in particular its UN ambassador, Susan Rice, have been accused of turning a blind eye to Rwanda's meddling in its neighbour, partly because of residual guilt over the 1994 genocide.
But in a phone call to Kagame, Obama "underscored that any support to the rebel group M23 is inconsistent with Rwanda's desire for stability and peace".
The White House said the US president stressed "the importance of permanently ending all support to armed groups in the DRC, abiding by the recent commitments he made… and reaching a transparent and credible political agreement that includes an end to impunity for M23 commanders and others" who committed rights abuses.
Obama "welcomed President Kagame's commitment to moving forward in finding a peaceful solution" in eastern Congo, it added.
A recent UN report presented detailed evidence that the Rwandan government is backing the rebels, a charge that Kagame's government has repeatedly denied. M23 members have allegedly perpetrated rapes, recruited child soldiers and carried out summary executions in eastern Congo.
America has been criticised for a muted response. Rice, who is close to Kagame, delayed the UN report's publication for weeks and prevented a security council resolution from explicitly naming Rwanda as a supporter of M23.
While Britain and others have suspended financial support to Rwanda, the US cut only $200,000 (£128,000) of military aid from a programme worth around $200m. Last week 15 leading campaign groups and thinktanks wrote to Obama accusing him of a failed policy and called for the president to impose sanctions.
His intervention has been hailed as potentially signalling a new, tougher approach. "It's good news for us," said Jean-Baptiste Ryumugabe of the Rwandan opposition Social Party Imberakuri. "We hope Paul Kagame will listen to President Obama because up to now many presidents and many organisations have asked him to stop fuelling the rebel group in eastern Congo but he refused. We have to hope he will now react positively."
Ryumugabe called for the US to take further measures such as cutting financial aid and limiting visas for travel to the US. "They have many things they can do to stop this aggression," he said.
Other Rwandan opposition groups said they were "greatly encouraged" by Obama's remarks. "It is absolutely important that the United States has taken this important and crucial step in seeking to bring president Paul Kagame to account for his actions in the Democratic Republic of Congo," said a letter addressed to Obama by the Rwanda National Congress and FDU-Inkingi.
"Your voice and effort to bring Rwandan leaders of the M23 rebellion to account will be instrumental in stopping and reversing the carnage in DRC."
But some questioned why Obama did not speak out sooner. Carina Tertsakian, senior researcher on Rwanda for Human Rights Watch, said: "They've lagged behind in terms of coming out strongly to denounce Rwandan support for M23. They've been unforthcoming.
"Obama's words come quite late given how far the situation in eastern DRC has deteriorated in recent months, but we welcome talks at such a high level."
In a further sign that US patience is wearing thin, the treasury department has imposed sanctions against two leaders of M23, Baudoin Ngaruye and Innocent Kaina, who are accused of using child soldiers. Ngaruye was cited for targeting children through "killing, maiming, and sexual violence".
The move comes just weeks after a UN security council sanctions committee added the two men to its consolidated travel ban and asset-freeze list.
Tertsakian urged the US to impose sanctions on senior Rwandan officials, including the defence minister and army chief of staff, because of their links to the rebellion in Congo.
The US has launched a fresh appeal for the arrest and prosecution of Sylvestre Mudacumura, the head of Rwanda's main Hutu rebel group, and Congo's Bosco Ntaganda, an ex-general who spurred the ongoing mutiny in the east. Both are the subject of outstanding international criminal court warrants.
M23 seized the strategic town of Goma in eastern Congo on 20 November as Congolese troops retreated to the nearby town of Minova. An investigation by the UN has found at least two deaths and 126 cases of rape in and around Minova in the 10 days that followed. Nine Congolese army soldiers have been arrested.
The United States, and in particular its UN ambassador, Susan Rice, have been accused of turning a blind eye to Rwanda's meddling in its neighbour, partly because of residual guilt over the 1994 genocide.
But in a phone call to Kagame, Obama "underscored that any support to the rebel group M23 is inconsistent with Rwanda's desire for stability and peace".
The White House said the US president stressed "the importance of permanently ending all support to armed groups in the DRC, abiding by the recent commitments he made… and reaching a transparent and credible political agreement that includes an end to impunity for M23 commanders and others" who committed rights abuses.
Obama "welcomed President Kagame's commitment to moving forward in finding a peaceful solution" in eastern Congo, it added.
A recent UN report presented detailed evidence that the Rwandan government is backing the rebels, a charge that Kagame's government has repeatedly denied. M23 members have allegedly perpetrated rapes, recruited child soldiers and carried out summary executions in eastern Congo.
America has been criticised for a muted response. Rice, who is close to Kagame, delayed the UN report's publication for weeks and prevented a security council resolution from explicitly naming Rwanda as a supporter of M23.
While Britain and others have suspended financial support to Rwanda, the US cut only $200,000 (£128,000) of military aid from a programme worth around $200m. Last week 15 leading campaign groups and thinktanks wrote to Obama accusing him of a failed policy and called for the president to impose sanctions.
His intervention has been hailed as potentially signalling a new, tougher approach. "It's good news for us," said Jean-Baptiste Ryumugabe of the Rwandan opposition Social Party Imberakuri. "We hope Paul Kagame will listen to President Obama because up to now many presidents and many organisations have asked him to stop fuelling the rebel group in eastern Congo but he refused. We have to hope he will now react positively."
Ryumugabe called for the US to take further measures such as cutting financial aid and limiting visas for travel to the US. "They have many things they can do to stop this aggression," he said.
Other Rwandan opposition groups said they were "greatly encouraged" by Obama's remarks. "It is absolutely important that the United States has taken this important and crucial step in seeking to bring president Paul Kagame to account for his actions in the Democratic Republic of Congo," said a letter addressed to Obama by the Rwanda National Congress and FDU-Inkingi.
"Your voice and effort to bring Rwandan leaders of the M23 rebellion to account will be instrumental in stopping and reversing the carnage in DRC."
But some questioned why Obama did not speak out sooner. Carina Tertsakian, senior researcher on Rwanda for Human Rights Watch, said: "They've lagged behind in terms of coming out strongly to denounce Rwandan support for M23. They've been unforthcoming.
"Obama's words come quite late given how far the situation in eastern DRC has deteriorated in recent months, but we welcome talks at such a high level."
In a further sign that US patience is wearing thin, the treasury department has imposed sanctions against two leaders of M23, Baudoin Ngaruye and Innocent Kaina, who are accused of using child soldiers. Ngaruye was cited for targeting children through "killing, maiming, and sexual violence".
The move comes just weeks after a UN security council sanctions committee added the two men to its consolidated travel ban and asset-freeze list.
Tertsakian urged the US to impose sanctions on senior Rwandan officials, including the defence minister and army chief of staff, because of their links to the rebellion in Congo.
The US has launched a fresh appeal for the arrest and prosecution of Sylvestre Mudacumura, the head of Rwanda's main Hutu rebel group, and Congo's Bosco Ntaganda, an ex-general who spurred the ongoing mutiny in the east. Both are the subject of outstanding international criminal court warrants.
M23 seized the strategic town of Goma in eastern Congo on 20 November as Congolese troops retreated to the nearby town of Minova. An investigation by the UN has found at least two deaths and 126 cases of rape in and around Minova in the 10 days that followed. Nine Congolese army soldiers have been arrested.
Tuesday, December 18, 2012
Troops Mass in Fought-Over City, Raising Fear of New Violence in Congo
NAIROBI, Kenya — Hundreds of troops from opposing sides have been moving into new positions around Goma, a strategic, contested city in the Democratic Republic of Congo, aid organizations said Sunday, raising worries of yet another explosion of violence.
The New York Times
Rebels have been mobilizing in Masisi, north of Goma.
Witnesses reported that truckloads of Rwandan soldiers recently crossed the border and were camped within 20 miles of Goma, which was captured last month and briefly occupied by a rebel force called the M23 movement. United Nations officials confirmed a sudden military buildup around Goma but said that they did not know the identities of the various groups of soldiers.
“It feels a bit like a boiling kettle, about to blow up,” said Thierry Goffeau, the leader of the mission in Goma for the aid organization Doctors Without Borders.
The M23 rebels are widely believed to be covertly armed by neighboring Rwanda, and in the past few months they have eviscerated the Congolese Army in just about every battle.
Aid workers in Goma said the Congolese Army had been reinforcing its positions in the last few days with tanks, heavy artillery and allies from some very unscrupulous militias.
Several Goma residents said that while businesses were open during the day, the city had become lawless at night, especially after hundreds of criminals, including militia leaders, escaped from a hole punched through the back wall of Goma’s central prison last month.
Outside Goma, the camps sheltering tens of thousands of displaced people were becoming the site of midnight attacks, with swarms of armed men flooding in.
Mr. Goffeau said the situation in Masisi, a highly fertile area north of Goma, where the M23 and other armed groups have been mobilizing, was becoming “very, very, tense.”
Eastern Congo has been mired in violence for more than 15 years, and it seems the capture of Goma last month has stirred up all sorts of tensions and rivalries that threaten the stability of this area and possibly of the vast Congo as a whole. “You have hundreds of tiny armed groups plying the countryside, making havoc,” said Jay Drosin, the director for the International Medical Corps’s program in Congo.
Mr. Drosin said the situation was “constantly fluid and extremely unpredictable” and “more uncontrollable than it’s ever been.”
Eastern Congo is blessed with gold, coltan, cassiterite and other minerals. These easy-to-move riches, along with longstanding ethnic tensions and a dysfunctional central government, have become a toxic brew that has killed countless Congolese.
Analysts say that the Congolese Army, in its desperation to fight off Rwandan-backed forces, has reactivated its alliance with the infamous Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, known as the F.D.L.R., a militia blamed for burning down villages, massacring civilians and raping thousands of women.
The F.D.L.R. is commanded by ethnic Hutus and includes remnants of the force that committed genocide in Rwanda in 1994, when hundreds of thousands of ethnic Tutsis were hacked to death. Humanitarian groups said that in the last week, militia fighters, including from the F.D.L.R., as well as from another militia group known as the Mai-Mai, have infiltrated some of the displaced persons camps ringing Goma with the cooperation of the government’s army. Aid groups are worried that the militants may try to use the camps as a springboard to wage attacks against Tutsi-led Rwanda. This is what happened in the mid-1990s, setting into motion a series of events that culminated in Rwanda invading Congo and helping to topple its government.
“There are these young guys in the camps, very well dressed, that are definitely not displaced persons,” Mr. Goffeau said. “Something weird is going on.”
Many aid workers said ethnic tensions in the Goma area were increasing and could set off bloodletting between Hutus and Tutsis and other ethnic groups that may align themselves with either side.
Analysts said that Rwanda might sweep into Congo again if the Hutu militants around Goma actually mounted a serious incursion into Rwanda. But they also noted that Rwanda would be reluctant to go on the offensive while peace talks were under way in Uganda, which has been hosting representatives of the Congolese government and the M23 rebel group in the hopes of brokering some sort of truce. “We will be here if it takes a day, or a week, or a year,” Bertrand Bisimwa, a rebel spokesman, said Thursday from a hotel room in Kampala, Uganda.
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